In
1894 Henry Hutchinson, a wealthy solicitor from Derby,
left the Fabian Society £10,000. The
five trustees of the Hutchinson bequest were Sidney
Webb, Edward Pease, Constance Hutchinson,
William de Mattos and William Clark. Webb suggested that the money
should be used to develop a new university in London.
The London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) was founded
in 1895. As Webb pointed out, the intention of the institution was
to "teach political economy on more modern and more socialist
lines than those on which it had been taught hitherto, and to serve
at the same time as a school of higher commercial education".
The Webbs first approached Graham Wallas,
a leading member of the Fabian Society,
to become the Director of the LSE. Wallas agreed to lecture at the
LSE but declined the offer as director, and W.
A. S. Hewins, a young economist at Pembroke College, Oxford,
was appointed instead.
The Webbs rented 10 Adelphi Terrace for £360 a year, and in July
1896 they proudly announced they had 281 students (eighty-seven of
them women) attending the different classes and lectures. John Passmore
Edwards, a wealthy philanthropist who had been donating the money
for building libraries in working class districts in London, agreed
to help the LSE. In 1901 he gave the LSE £10,000 and this enabled
them to move to Clare Market site. With the financial support of the
London County Council (LCC) the LSE flourished
as a centre of learning.
W. A. S. Hewins remained as director until
1903. Other important figures to teach at the LSE included Bertrand
Russell (1895), William Pember Reeves
(1908-1919), Kingsley Martin (1927-1931),
Hugh Dalton (1931-1935), Clement
Attlee (1912-1923), Graham Wallas (1914-23),
Richard Tawney (1917-49) and Harold
Laski (1920-1954). Laski, professor of political science, was
a brilliant lecturer and had a tremendous influence over the students
that he taught during the 1920s and 30s.
(1)
Beatrice Webb, diary entry (21st September,
1894)
A few weeks ago Sidney (Webb) received a letter from a Derby solicitor
informing him that he was left executor to a certain Mr Hutchinson.
All he knew of the man (whom he had never seen) was the fact that
he was an eccentric old gentleman, member of the Fabian Society, who
alternately sent considerable cheques and wrote querulous letters
about Shaw's rudeness, or some other fancied grievance he had suffered
at the hands of some member of the Fabian Society. When Sidney heard
he was made executor, he expected that the old man had left something
to the Fabian Society. Now it turns out that he has left nearly £10,000
to five trustees and appointed Sidney chairman and administrator -
all the money to be spent in ten years. The poor old man blew his
brains out.
The question is how to spend the money. It might be placed to the
credit of the Fabian Society and spent in the ordinary work of propaganda.
Or a big political splash might be made with it - all the Fabian Executive
might stand for Parliament. Sidney has been planning to persuade the
other trustees to devote the greater part of the money to encouraging
research and economic study. His vision is to to found, slowly and
quietly, a 'London School of Economics and Political Science' - a
centre not only of lectures on special subjects, but an association
of students who would be directed and supported in doing original
work.
(2)
Edward Pease, The History of the Fabian
Society (1918)
In 1894, Henry Hutchinson, who provided
the funds for much of our country lecturing, died, and to our complete
surprise it was found that he had appointed Sidney Webb, whom he hardly
knew personally, his executor, and had left the residue of his estate,
between £9,000 and £10,000, to five trustees - Sidney Webb,
his daughter, myself, William Clarke, and W. S. De Mattos. Miss Hutchinson
died only fifteen months later, also leaving to her colleagues the
residue of her estate, something under £1000, for similar purposes.
The trustees decided to devote part of the funds to initiating the
London School of Economics and Political Science, because they considered
that a thorough knowledge of these sciences was a necessity for people
concerned in social reconstruction, if that reconstruction was to
be carried out with prudence and wisdom; and in particular it was
essential that all classes of public officials should have the opportunity
of learning whatever can be known of economics and politics taught
on modern lines.
(3)
Beatrice Webb, diary entry (8th November,
1896)
Hewins, who expected great things, has been depressed and irritable
and it has taken all Sidney's good temper and tact to keep things
going smooth. Hewins is a sanguine enthusiast, pulls hard and strong
when he feels the stream with him, but I doubt whether he has the
staying power for bad times. And he has a small-minded little wife
always whispering discontent into his ear, suggesting that he is being
put upon and that the enterprise will not succeed.
(4)
Beatrice Webb, diary entry (4th January,
1901)
Every Tuesday Hewins lunches with us to discuss the affairs of
the LSE. He is original minded and full of energy and faith. Shaw
always declares he is a fanatic. So he is. But he is also a born manipulator.
He is a churchman and an ardent believer in the scientific method
in economics and politics.
(5)
Beatrice Webb, diary entry (10th November,
1902)
There are now five hundred students. Hewins of course is a little
bit over-confident and elated, but that is his temperament. He and
Sidney, and to a lesser extent, I myself, make a good working trio.
The whole internal organization of the LSE is left to him with suggestions
from Sidney. The whole financial side is in Sidney's hands, whilst
my domain has been roping in influential supporters from among old
friends and connections. Every Tuesday Hewins lunches here and we
discuss the affairs of the LSE in all its aspects. He consults Sidney
about the curriculum, Sidney tells him the requirements for securing
LCC Technical Education Board and University support.
(6)
Beatrice Webb, diary entry (December, 1902)
Hewins wanted to jump Sidney into increasing his salary from £600
(it was raised from £400 only six months ago) to £800. Sidney
agreed to an extra £100 to cover unusual expenses, but refused
to make even this permanent. So long as nearly the whole income comes
from the LCC (either through the University, £2,400, or through
the TEB £1,200) he feels that it would risk all to double the
salary of the Director, a personal friend, in twelve months. It is,
of course, a delicate position. The LSE has had an extraordinary amount
of support from the LCC owing to Sidney's influence. But most councillors
regard it as his 'fad' and have acquiesced not on the ground of their
own faith in the institution but on account of their confidence in
him. Hewins, who has a swelled head over the increase of students
and visions of the whole City coming to be educated under his direction,
was quite improperly insistent and had to be gently but firmly reminded
of the actual dependence of the LSE on Sidney's influence in the LCC.
(7) Beatrice Webb,
diary entry (18th November, 1903)
Hewins sends in his resignation of the Directorship of the School
of Economics. So ends our close relationship with this remarkable
man, remarkable for audacity, enterprise, zeal and skill in presenting
facts and manipulating persons, most remarkable for confidence in
his own powers, more than confidence - an overestimation of them.
These qualities have served us well in building up, from nothing,
the reputation of the LSE, in steering its fortunes through the indifference
and hostility of the London academic and business world, in obtaining
and keeping the co-operation of men of diverse views and conflicting
interests.
(8)
Clement Attlee, As It Happened
(1954)
In 1912, largely through the influence of Sidney Webb, I was appointed
a lecturer and tutor in the London School of Economics in the Department
of Social Science and Public Administration. I was not appointed on
the score of academic qualifications but because I was considered
to have a practical knowledge of social conditions. The salary was
small but sufficient for my wants, while the hours of my work left
me plenty of time for social work and also for socialist propaganda,
for it was a fundamental rule of the School that no one could be restricted
in venting his political opinions.
