Following
his successful military campaign, Fidel
Castro replaced
Fulgencio Batista as leader of Cuba
on 9th January, 1959. In its first hundred days in office Castro's
government passed several new laws. Rents were cut by up to 50 per
cent for low wage earners; property owned by Batista and his ministers
was confiscated; the telephone company was nationalized and the rates
were reduced by 50 per cent; land was redistributed amongst the peasants
(including the land owned by the Castro family); separate facilities
for blacks and whites (swimming pools, beaches, hotels, cemeteries
etc.) were abolished.
Some of Castro's new laws
also upset the United States. Much of the land given to the peasants
was owned by corporations in the United States. So also was the telephone
company that was nationalized. The United States government responded
by telling Castro they would no longer be willing to supply the technology
and technicians needed to run Cuba's economy. When this failed to
change Castro's policies they reduced their orders for Cuban sugar.
Castro refused to be intimidated
by the United States and adopted even more aggressive policies towards
them. In the summer of 1960 Castro nationalised United States property
worth $850 million. He also negotiated a deal where by the Soviet
Union and other communist countries in Eastern Europe agreed to
purchase the sugar that the United States had refused to take. The
Soviet Union also agreed to supply the weapons, technicians and machinery
denied to Cuba by the United States.
President Dwight
Eisenhower was
in a difficult situation. The more he attempted to punish Fidel
Castro the closer
he became to the Soviet Union. His main fear was that Cuba could eventually
become a Soviet military base. To change course and attempt to win
Castro's friendship with favourable trade deals was likely to be interpreted
as a humiliating defeat for the United States. Instead Eisenhower
announced that he would not buy any more sugar from Cuba.
In 1960 Vincent T. Lee
established the Fair Play for Cuba Committee (FPCC). Lee, who became
National Director of the organization, argued that the United
States should end its economic boycott of Cuba.
Lee claimed that he kept
no membership records but it appears to have been a very small organization.
One person who did join was Lee
Harvey Oswald.
On 26th May, 1963, Oswald wrote to the Fair Play for Cuba Committee
and proposed "renting a small office at my own expense for the
purpose of forming a FPCC branch here in New Orleans".
Three days later, without
waiting for a reply, Oswald ordered 1,000 copies of a handbill from
a local printers. It read: "Hands Off Cuba! Join the Fair Play
for Cuba Committee, New Orleans Charter Member Branch, Free Literature,
Lectures, Everyone Welcome!" Oswald also rented an office for
the FPCC at 544 Camp Street. No one joined the FPCC in New
Orleans but Oswald did send out two honorary membership cards
to Gus Hall and Benjamin
Davis, two senior members of the American
Communist Party.
On 9th August, 1963, he
was giving out his Fair
Play for Cuba Committee
leaflets when he became
involved in a fight with Carlos
Bringuier.
Oswald was arrested and on 12th August, he was found guilty and fined
$10. While in prison he was visited by FBI
agent, John L. Quigley.
Five days later Oswald
debated the issue of Fidel
Castro
and Cuba
with Bringuier on the Bill Stuckey Radio Show. Oswald explained: "The
principals of thought of the Fair Play for Cuba consist of restoration
of diplomatic trade and tourist relations with Cuba.... We are primarily
interested in the attitude of the US government toward Cuba. And in
that way we are striving to get the United States to adopt measures
which would be more friendly toward the Cuban people and the new Cuban
regime in that country."
Following the assassination
of John
F. Kennedy the
offices of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee were closed down (December,
1963).
In his book The
Kennedy Conspiracy (2002), Anthony
Summers claims
that released documents show that both the Central
Intelligence Agency and
Federal Bureau of Investigation penetrated
the FPCC. Summers points out that the CIA side of the operation was
directed by David Atlee Phillips and
quotes CIA officer, Joseph Smith as saying: "We did everything
we could to make sure it was not successful - to smear it... to penetrate
it. I think Oswald may have been part of a penetration attempt."
Open
Debate on the Kennedy Assassination
(1)
Edward
Jay Epstein,
Legend: The Secret World of Lee Harvey Oswald (1978)
A few days later Oswald
received a letter from V. T. Lee, the national director of the Fair
Play for Cuba Organization, which spelled out the conditions under
which he might organize his chapter.
The letter was not overly
encouraging. "I have just gone through our files and find that
Louisiana seems somewhat restricted for Fair Play activities,"
V. T. Lee noted. ".... The south-east is a very difficult area
to work because of our lack of contacts." He warned Oswald that
in attempting this venture, he would come "under tremendous pressure."
He suggested that Oswald
acquire a post office box, a "good typewriter," access to
a "mimeo machine" and "people who will carry out the
million and one mechanical functions necessary to make it a going
operation." He advised Oswald not to rent an office immediately.
If Oswald could recruit
the minimum number of members, the national director agreed to grant
him a charter. He pointed
out that Oswald would be organizing the only Fair Play chapter in
the southeast outside Tampa (which V. T. Lee had personally organized
before joining the national office in New York).
Oswald was not, however,
prepared fully to accept V. T. Lee's advice. His purpose was not to
recruit members and build a functioning Fair Play chapter in New Orleans,
but to create a dossier of letters, documents and news clippings which
would get him to Cuba. All his other activities that summer, Marina
later explained, were merely "window dressing."
In June he methodically
set about documenting his record as a Fair Play for Cuba organizer.
He ordered the necessary application forms and membership cards from
the Mailing Service Company of New Orleans, and when the cards arrived,
he had Marina forge the signature "A. J. Hidell" on them.
"Hidell" was supposedly the chapter president. He then sent
two "honorary" membership cards to Gus Hall and Ben Davis,
both of whom were members of the Central Committee of the Communist
Party of the United States. And he took a post office box in order
to receive return correspondence.
(2)
Federal
Bureau of Investigation,
report, (19th April, 1963)
Dallas confidential informant
T-2 advised that Lee H. Oswald of Dallas, Texas, was in contact with
the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. According to T-2, Oswald had a placard
around his neck reading, "Hands off Cuba Viva Fidel".
(3)
Robert J. Groden, The Search for Lee
Harvey Oswald (1995)
On Monday, August 12, 1963, Lee and Carlos Bringuier appeared
in Second Municipal Court at 1:00 p.m. The charges were dismissed
against Bringuier, and Lee was fined $10.00. Marina Oswald confirmed
that Lee actually wanted to be arrested. He wanted the exposure. He
wanted to get the publicity as a pro-Castroite. She referred to this
as "self-advertising." Marina was right, but the question
still remains: Why?
Lee was back handing out
his Fair Play for Cuba Committee flyers on the streets of New Orleans
on August 16. He had hired three men to help with distribution: odd,
since he was nearly without funds for himself and his family. They
stood in front of the International Trade Mart, whose director, Clay
Shaw, would be charged with conspiracy to assassinate President Kennedy
four years later by New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison. Somebody
(probably Lee himself or, possibly, Carlos Bringuier) called WDSU-TV
and other members of the New Orleans news media to announce that he
was distributing the pro-Castro literature. More self-advertising.
That evening's television news broadcast his activity, and the resulting
bad publicity made it nearly impossible for him to obtain employment.
(4)
Lee
Harvey Oswald,
Carlos Bringuier and Ed Butler, Vice-President
of the Information Council of the Americas, took part in a debate
on Bill Slatter's radio show Conversation Carte Blanche in
1963.
Lee Harvey Oswald: The
principals of thought of the Fair Play for Cuba consist of restoration
of diplomatic trade and tourist relations with Cuba. That is one of
our main points. We are for that. I disagree that this situation regarding
American-Cuban relations is very unpopular. We are in the minority
surely. We are not particularly interested in what Cuban exiles or
rightists members of rightist organizations have to say. We are primarily
interested in the attitude of the US government toward Cuba. And in
that way we are striving to get the United States to adopt measures
which would be more friendly toward the Cuban people and the new Cuban
regime in that country. We are not all communist controlled regardless
of the fact that I have the experience of living in Russia, regardless
of the fact that we have been investigated, regardless of those facts,
the Fair Play for Cuba Committee is an independent organization not
affiliated with any other organization. Our aims and our ideals are
very clear and in the best keeping with American traditions of democracy.
Carlos Bringuier: Do you
agree with Fidel Castro when in his last speech of July 26th of this
year he qualified President John F. Kennedy of the United States as
a ruffian and a thief? Do you agree with Mr. Castro?
Lee Harvey Oswald:
I would not agree with that particular wording. However, I and the
Fair Play for Cuba Committee do think that the United States Government
through certain agencies, mainly the State Department and the C.I.A.,
has made monumental mistakes in its relations with Cuba. Mistakes
which are pushing Cuba into the sphere of activity of let's say a
very dogmatic communist country such as China.
Bill Slatter: Mr. Oswald
would you agree that when Castro first took power - would you agree
that the United States was very friendly with Castro, that the people
of this country had nothing but admiration for him, that they were
very glad to see Batista thrown out?
Lee Harvey Oswald: I would
say that the activities of the United States government in regards
to Batista were a manifestation of not so much support for Fidel Castro
but rather a withdrawal of support from Batista. In other words we
stopped armaments to Batista. What we should have been done was to
take those armaments and drop them into the Sierra Maestra where Fidel
Castro could have used them. As for public sentiment at that time,
I think even before the revolution, there were rumblings of official
comment and so forth from government officials er, against Fidel Castro.
Ed Butler: You've never
been to Cuba, of course, but why are the people of Cuba starving today?
Lee Harvey Oswald: Well
any country emerging from a semi-colonial state and embarking upon
reforms which require a diversification of agriculture you are going
to have shortages. After all 80% of imports into the United States
from Cuba were two products, tobacco and sugar. Nowadays, while Cuba
is reducing its production as far as sugar cane goes it is striving
to grow unlimited, and unheard of for Cuba, quantities of certain
vegetables such as sweet potatoes, lima beans, cotton, and so forth,
so that they can become agriculturally independent ...
Ed Butler: Gentlemen I'm
going to have to interrupt you. Our time is almost up. We've had three
guests tonight on Conversation Carte Blanche, Bill Stuckey and I have
been talking to Lee Harvey Oswald, Secretary of the New Orleans Chapter
of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, Ed Butler, Executive Vice-president
of the Information Council of the Americas (INCA) and Carlos Bringuier,
Cuban refugee. Thank you very much.
(5)
Vincent
T. Lee, interviewed
by J.
Lee Rankin (17th April, 1964)
J. Lee Rankin: Was there any connection with you or your
organization or anyone from your organization that you know of with
the acts of Lee Harvey Oswald in connection with the assassination
of the President?
Vincent
T. Lee: With myself or organizationally, to the best of my knowledge,
no; nor have I heard or know of any other person related to the organization
in any way. Definitely there would be no connection between the act
- acts of Lee Harvey Oswald. Whether or not he did anything in relation
to the assassination, I don't know. As I understood, this is what
is trying to be determined, and so forth, with this hearing. But whether
he did or did not in relation, we had no - nothing to do with this.
In fact I would feel very free to say that this particular act by
anybody would be the worst possible thing that we could conceive of.
Our idea was certainly not to engage in any activities of violence
or illegal actions of any kind. We try very much to maintain a character
of nonviolent participation in community affairs. In fact we have
organizationally held, in which I directed and participated, demonstrations
in which we made a very firm commitment to peaceful assembly and demonstration,
and even when attacked physically did not respond to the attack but
withheld and conducted ourselves peacefully and legally.
J.
Lee Rankin: Was
Lee Harvey Oswald a member of your organization?
Vincent
T. Lee: I have no record of this. You see, we never kept a membership
file. We never at any time maintained a membership file. If somebody
asked to join the organization, we made out a membership card for
them and the card was sent to the person, but there was no duplicate
and there was no special recording of it; it was just a simple formality,
and we just sent them the card. And so there is no way that I can
tell for sure that he was or he wasn't, because we never did maintain
a file in this direction.
J.
Lee Rankin: Do you recall anything about his being a member, as far
as your recollection?
Vincent
T. Lee: I am not sure on that score. I mean I don't know. It is entirely
possible. It is entirely possible. But I can't say that I recall,
you know, filling out a card for him. It is entirely possible. I may
very well have. But as far as saying absolutely I remember, no, I
don't, I can't say that, because I really don't remember, but I will
say it is entirely possible. In fact I would assume from the communications
- I would assume from the communications which were conducted with
this gentleman that it is very likely that he asked to join, and our
membership was the type of thing where it was open to anybody who
asked to become a member, was given membership. We had no restrictions
on membership. In fact we had one of the policy statements of the
organization, its constitution and bylaws, was that it was open to
all regardless of race, creed, color, religion, national origin or
political opinion. It was open to anybody, anybody at all could join,
and from the communications, since I was writing to him in connection
with - he - was asking if he could start a chapter, well, I can't
conceive of my writing to a nonmember in the direction of starting
a chapter. It is very - I assume that he must have at some point along
the line asked to join as a member and met the simple requirements
of sending in a membership fee, which was really a subscription to
any of our publications, and I assume that he must have been, otherwise
I can't quite conceive of my having written to him about membership,
starting a chapter, replying to such a question without having - the
letters - evidently there would have been some communication saying,
well, "You can't do it unless you join," and from the letters
you showed me, which I assume are correct, he must have already at
some point in the communications decided to join the organization.
J.
Lee Rankin: I call your attention to the first paragraph, Mr. Lee,
of Exhibit No. 2.
Vincent
T. Lee: Oh, yes; sure, here it is, "I am requesting formal membership
in your organizations." Well, evidently at this point, at the
end of May, 1963, he requested formal - I don't - let's see, is there
a note in here of having sent him - well, anyhow, assuming that accompanying
this letter there was...
J.
Lee Rankin: Let me call your attention to Exhibit 3, and there is
in the first paragraph there...
Vincent
T. Lee: Oh, yes; evidently he did join, yes. I assumed that it was
so, because I can't conceive of having written him about a chapter
unless he had joined. One doesn't organizationally ask people to help
the organization who are not members.
J.
Lee Rankin: Do you know of any combination, conspiracy or common action
of any kind that worked with Lee Harvey Oswald in connection with
his acts concerning the assassination of President Kennedy?
Vincent
T. Lee: I have no knowledge of any such thing....
J.
Lee Rankin: Do you know of any members of Fair Play for Cuba Committee
in New Orleans that were working with Lee Harvey Oswald in connection
with anything he did there for the committee?
Vincent
T. Lee: No; I have no recollection of any such thing. In fact all
I can recall is that the man communicated I think to me that somehow
in these letters that he had nobody and that he was completely alone,
and that in fact I think one of the letters mentioned how he was out
somewhere all alone and that he had no--nobody at all, nobody working
with him or through him or for him or around him or anything else.
He gave me the impression that he was completely isolated in his community,
which became obvious to me from his actions which would certainly
isolate him in his community. I could see very well how he would be...
J. Lee Rankin: Do you know of any members of the Fair Play for Cuba
Committee in Dallas?
Vincent
T. Lee: As I said, I never kept a membership file and I don't recall
who is a member and who wouldn't be a member. I know we received many
communications requesting literature of various types and things like
that from all over the country, and I don't know of any state of the
union which has not been sent some material at some time during the
3 1/2-year history of the organization. I would assume that somewhere,
at some time, in Texas some people wrote in and received something,
some communication, but as far as doing anything particularly about
Dallas, no. The only thing I know about Dallas is what I read in the
papers, which doesn't tell me too much.
J.
Lee Rankin: And that same situation about whether there were any members
of the committee in New Orleans would be true, would it?
Vincent
T. Lee: Well, it is like I say. As for membership, this is an almost
impossible situation in view of the fact that we didn't conduct a
membership file or a duplicate membership card system and we just
had mailing lists. In fact the mailing lists - even the mailing lists
wouldn't tell very much, if anything, and that was just a case, anybody
who thought somebody should receive a communication gave the name
of somebody, in fact for now deceased Governor Lehman was on that
list, Senators and Congressmen were placed on the mailing list, everybody
and his brother who we thought should be - well, we thought some reason
should receive the material which we sent out, we just sent material.
It could be anybody. And like I say, stuff went to all over the country,
just automatically, just did large mailings to every place we could
think of, dream of or hope for in any of our activities of mailing.
But
as far as particularly there was never an active organization of the
committee in these areas. We have had in the past - there was in existence
in the committee a series of chapters, committee chapters, in various
parts of the country, but there were never any chapters or active
participation on a local level, to my knowledge, in either Texas or
Louisiana at any time during the entire history of the organization.
J.
Lee Rankin: Is there any information, evidence or knowledge that you
haven't given us that would bear upon this assassination of President
Kennedy, that might help the Commission?
Vincent
T. Lee: No, sir; I have no information whatsoever. I have more than
personal, more than just curiosity, and I hope very much to know the
truth about this incident and hope very much that the truth is known,
particularly for my own personal reasons, as well as any other reasons,
because having been practically a victim of very serious slander in
this direction, both by individuals and by elements of the press and
various periodicals, I have very serious concern about developing
the truth. I have been threatened. People have tried to break into
my home, somehow connecting myself and my organizational activities,
quite falsely, with the assassination - I would like to see the truth
come up, because I am quite sure that any investigation will show
that this was not true, that I didn't have any part of this. I am
as much interested and probably more interested in my own way in having
the facts presented than many of the average people on the street.
I have a personal involvement in this.
Available from Amazon Books
(order below)
