Richard Schweiker was born
in Norristown on 1st June, 1926. During the Second
World War he served in the United States
Navy.
After graduating from Pennsylvania
State University in 1950 he was employed as a manufacturing and sales
executive. A member of the Republican Party he was elected to Congress
in November, 1960.
In September,
1976, Schweiker became a member of the
House Select Committee on Assassinations
in September 1976. The resolution authorized a 12-member select committee
to conduct an investigation of the circumstances surrounding the deaths
of John
F. Kennedy
and Martin
Luther King.
In
1976 Antonio
Veciana
was
interviewed by the House Select
Committee on Assassinations.
The founder of the anti-Castro organization, Alpha 66, he told the
committee about his relationship with his Central
Intelligence Agency contact, Maurice Bishop. He claimed that in
August, 1963, he saw Bishop and Lee Harvey
Oswald in Dallas. Veciana admitted that Bishop had organized and
funded the Alpha 66 attacks on the Soviet ships docked in Cuba in
1963.
Veciana
explained the policy: "It was my case officer, Maurice Bishop,
who had the idea to attack the Soviet ships. The intention was to
cause trouble between Kennedy and Russia. Bishop believed that Kennedy
and Khrushchev had made a secret agreement that the USA would do nothing
more to help in the fight against Castro. Bishop felt - he told me
many times - that President Kennedy was a man without experience surrounded
by a group of young men who were also inexperienced with mistaken
ideas on how to manage this country. He said you had to put Kennedy
against the wall in order to force him to make decisions that would
remove Castro's regime."
Schweiker, speculated that Bishop was David
Atlee Phillips.
Schweiker arranged for Veciana and Phillips to be introduced at a
meeting of the Association
of Retired Intelligence Officers in Reston. Phillips denied knowing
Veciana. After the meeting Veciana told Schweiker that Phillips was
not the man known to him as Bishop.
Schweiker was unconvinced
by this evidence. He found it difficult to believe Phillips would
not have known the leader of Alpha 66. Especially as Phillips had
been in charge of covert action in Cuba
when Alpha 66 was established. Another CIA agent who worked in Cuba
during this period, claimed that Phillips used the code name, Maurice
Bishop.
During the investigation
Schweiker studied a large number of classified intelligence files.
In 1978 he told the author, Anthony
Summers: "Either
we trained and sent him to Russia, and they went along and pretended
they didn't know to fake us out, or in fact, they inculcated him and
sent him back here and were trying to fake us out that way."
In 1981 President Ronald
Reagan appointed him Secretary of Health and Human Services. Two
years later he became president of American Council of Life Insurance.
House
Select Committee on Assassinations
Open
Debate on the Kennedy Assassination
(1)
House
Select Committee on Assassinations
(1979)
Findings of the Select Committee on Assassinations in the Assassination
of President John F. Kennedy in Dallas, Texas, November 22, 1963.
Lee
Harvey Oswald fired three shots at President John F. Kennedy. The
second and third shots he fired struck the President. The third shot
he fired killed the President.
President
Kennedy was struck by two rifle shots fired from behind him.
The
shots that struck President Kennedy from behind him were fired from
the sixth floor window of the southeast corner of the Texas School
Book Depository building.
Lee
Harvey Oswald owned the rifle that was used to fire the shots from
the sixth floor window of the southeast comer of the Texas School
Book Depository building.
Lee
Harvey Oswald, shortly before the assassination, had access to and
was present on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository
building.
Lee
Harvey Oswald's other actions tend to support the conclusion that
he assassinated President Kennedy.
Scientific
acoustical evidence establishes a high probability that two gunmen
fired at President John F. Kennedy. Other scientific evidence does
not preclude the possibility of two gunmen firing at the President.
Scientific evidence negates some specific conspiracy allegations.
The
committee believes, on the basis of the evidence available to it,
that President John F. Kennedy was probably assassinated as a result
of a conspiracy. The committee is unable to identify the other gunman
or the extent of the conspiracy.
The
committee believes, on the basis of the evidence available to it,
that the Soviet Government was not involved in the assassination of
President Kennedy.
The
committee believes, on the basis of the evidence available to it,
that the Cuban Government was not involved in the assassination of
President Kennedy.
The
committee believes, on the basis of the evidence available to it,
that anti-Castro Cuban groups, as groups, were not involved in the
assassination of President Kennedy, but that the available evidence
does not preclude the possibility that individual members may have
been involved.
The
committee believes, on the basis of the evidence available to it,
that the national syndicate of organized crime, as a group, was not
involved in the assassination of President Kennedy, but that the available
evidence does not preclude the possibility that individual members
may have been involved.
The
Secret Service, Federal Bureau of Investigation and Central Intelligence
Agency were not involved in the assassination of President Kennedy.
Agencies
and departments of the U.S. Government performed with varying degrees
of competency in the fulfillment of their duties. President John F.
Kennedy did not receive adequate protection. A thorough and reliable
investigation into the responsibility of Lee Harvey Oswald for the
assassination of President John F. Kennedy was conducted. The investigation
into the possibility of conspiracy in the assassination was inadequate.
The conclusions of the investigations were arrived at in good faith,
but presented in a fashion that was too definitive.
The
Secret Service was deficient in the performance of its duties.
The
Secret Service possessed information that was not properly analyzed,
investigated or used by the Secret Service in connection with the
President's trip to Dallas; in addition, Secret Service agents in
the motorcade were inadequately prepared to protect the President
from a sniper.
The
responsibility of the Secret Service to investigate the assassination
was terminated when the Federal Bureau of Investigation assumed primary
investigative responsibility.
The
Department of Justice failed to exercise initiative in supervising
and directing the investigation by the Federal Bureau of Investigation
of the assassination.
The
Federal Bureau of Investigation performed with varying degrees of
competency in the fulfillment of its duties.
The
Federal Bureau of Investigation adequately investigated Lee Harvey
Oswald prior to the assassination and properly evaluated the evidence
it possessed to assess his potential to endanger the public safety
in a national emergency.
The
Federal Bureau of Investigation conducted a thorough and professional
investigation into the responsibility of Lee Harvey Oswald for the
assassination.
The
Federal Bureau of Investigation failed to investigate adequately the
possibility of a conspiracy to assassinate the President.
The
Federal Bureau of Investigation was deficient in its sharing of information
with other agencies and departments.
The
Central Intelligence Agency was deficient in its collection and sharing
of information both prior to and subsequent to the assassination.
The
Warren Commission performed with varying degrees of competency in
the fulfillment of its duties.
The
Warren Commission conducted a thorough and professional investigation
into the responsibility of Lee Harvey Oswald for the assassination.
The
Warren Commission failed to investigate adequately the possibility
of a conspiracy to assassinate the President.
This
deficiency was attributable in part to the failure of the Commission
to receive all the relevant information that was in the possession
of other agencies and departments of the Government.
The
Warren Commission arrived at its conclusions, based on the evidence
available to it, in good faith.
The
Warren Commission presented the conclusions in its report in a fashion
that was too definitive.
(2)
House
Select Committee on Assassinations (September 28, 1978)
Louis Stokes: In order to operate your casinos in 1957-58, did you
have to pay money to Cuban officials to maintain the operation of
your casinos?
Santos
Trafficante:
We had to pay a license of $25,000 a year and we had to give 50 percent
of the take of the slot machines.
Louis
Stokes: Can you tell us in late 1958, what was the result of the activities
of Castro? How did it affect the tourist and gambling business there
in Havana?
Santos
Trafficante.
You are talking about 1958 before Castro came in?
Louis
Stokes: Before he came in, yes.
Santos
Trafficante:
It wasn't too good, Every other day they had bombs and stuff like
that. It was nothing.
Louis
Stokes: What effect did it have on the gambling business? How did
it affect your business?
Santos
Trafficante:
Because every day there were bombs put in different spots and the
first thing you know, even if there were a couple bombs, before the
night was over, there were 200, supposedly, rumors, stuff flying around
and people would stay home.
Louis
Stokes: I suppose that this then caused the casino operators a great
deal of concern, did it not?
Santos
Trafficante:
I suppose so.
Louis
Stokes: And was there fear on the part of the operators that if Castro
came to power that he would confiscate these businesses?
Santos
Trafficante:
No.
Louis
Stokes: Was there anticipated at all that he might come to power at
that time?
Santos
Trafficante:
Nobody ever dreamt that he would come to power at that time.
Louis
Stokes: Did you or any of the other casino operators take any steps
to protect your businesses in the event that he would come to power?
Santos
Trafficante:
No. There was no question about him taking to power. They used to
- in the papers when you would read about him, you would read like
he was some kind of a bandit.
Louis
Stokes: Did you meet Fidel or Raoul Castro prior to January 1, 1959?
Santos
Trafficante:
No.
Louis
Stokes: When Fidel Castro took over, how soon did he order the casinos
to be closed?
Santos
Trafficante:
Well,
even before he reached Havana, because he didn't come down from the
mountain until after Batista had left, and he had a walkathon, you
would call it, from the mountains to Havana, and they kept interviewing
him and he kept saying the casinos would close, statements to that
effect, the casinos close without even being notified officially to
close. Everything was in a turmoil. There was people all over the
streets, breaking into homes, there was complete enmity and the only
thing at that time was to try and stay alive.
Louis
Stokes: After Castro came to power, did you continue to operate your
business as usual?
Santos
Trafficante:
No, everything was closed.
(3)
House
Select Committee on Assassinations
(September 28, 1978)
Louis Stokes: When you left Cuba, where did you next live?
Santos
Trafficante:
I lived in Miami.
Louis
Stokes: Mr. Trafficante, when was the first time you were ever approached
by any individual who was affiliated with or working for the CIA?
Santos
Trafficante:
It was around either the latter part of 1960, or first part of 1961.
Louis
Stokes: And can you tell us who was the person who first contacted
you?
Santos
Trafficante:
John Roselli.
Louis
Stokes: And where did he approach you?
Santos
Trafficante:
I think we were in the Fontaine bleau Hotel.
Louis
Stokes: And can you give us the date?
Santos
Trafficante:
No.
Louis
Stokes: Can you approximate the time?
Santos
Trafficante:
I told you it was either the latter part of 1960 or first part of
1961.
Louis
Stokes: Did you know Mr. Roselli before that date?
Santos
Trafficante:
Yes, I had met him.
Louis
Stokes: Can you tell us how you knew him?
Santos
Trafficante:
Well,
at this moment I don't remember how I met him but I knew him.
Louis
Stokes: And how long had you known him?
Santos
Trafficante:
I would say about 15 years, 15-16 years.
Louis
Stokes: Now, had Mr. Roselli ever had any business interests in Cuba?
Santos
Trafficante:
No.
Louis
Stokes: Over the period of time that you had known him, how often
had you and he come into contact?
Santos
Trafficante:
Very
few.
Louis
Stokes: Now, did he tell you how he came to be affiliated with the
CIA?
Santos
Trafficante:
No.
Louis
Stokes: This first meeting was just between the two of you?
Santos
Trafficante:
Yes, the first time, yes.
Louis
Stokes: Can you tell us the substance of the conversation you had
with him?
Santos
Trafficante:
Well, he told me that CIA and the United States Government was involved
in eliminating Castro. And if I would happen, and if Mr. Gener, if
Mr. Macho Gener, if I knew about him, knew what kind of man he was.
I told him I think he was a good man, he was against Castro anyhow,
and that is about it. Then he introduced me to Mr. Maheu, and then
Mr. Giancana came into the picture. Mr. Roselli wanted me to be more
or less an interpreter in the situation because he couldn't speak
Spanish and I can speak Spanish fluently.
Louis Stokes: What was your reaction to killing President Castro?
Santos
Trafficante:
Well
at the time I think that it was a good thing because he had established
a communistic base 90 miles from the United States and being that
the Government of the United States wanted it done, I go along with
it, the same thing as a war, I figure it was like a war.
(4)
Louis
Stokes,
House
Select Committee on Assassinations
(September 28, 1978)
In 1967, 1971, 1976, and 1977, those 4 years, columnist Jack Anderson
wrote about the CIA-Mafia plots and the possibility that Castro decided
to kill President Kennedy in retaliation. Mr. Anderson even contends
in those articles that the same persons involved in the CIA-Mafia
attempts on Castro's life were recruited by Castro to kill President
Kennedy. The September 7, 1976 issue of the Washington Post contains
one of Mr. Anderson's articles entitled, "Behind John F. Kennedy's
Murder," which fully explains Mr. Anderson's position. I ask,
Mr. Chairman, that at this point this article be marked as JFK exhibit
F-409 and that it be entered into the record at this point.
Mr. Trafficante, I want
to read to you just two portions of the article I have just referred
to, after which I will ask for your comment. According to Mr. Anderson
and Mr. Whitten in this article, it says: Before he died, Roselli
hinted to associates that he knew who had arranged President Kennedy's
murder. It was the same conspirators, he suggested, whom he had recruited
earlier to kill Cuban Premier Fidel Castro. By Roselli's cryptic account,
Castro learned the identity of the underworld contacts in Havana who
had been trying to knock him off. He believed, not altogether without
basis, that President Kennedy was behind the plot. Then over in another
section, it says: According to Roselli, Castro enlisted the same underworld
elements whom he had caught plotting against him. They supposedly
were Cubans from the old Trafficante organization. Working with Cuban
intelligence, they allegedly lined up an ex-Marine sharpshooter, Lee
Harvey Oswald, who had been active in the pro-Castro movement. According
to Roselli's version, Oswald may have shot Kennedy or may have acted
as a decoy while others ambushed him from closer range. When Oswald
was picked up, Roselli suggested the underworld conspirators feared
he would crack and disclose information that might lead to them. This
almost certainly would have brought a massive U.S. crackdown on the
Mafia. So Jack Ruby was ordered to eliminate Oswald making it appear
as an act of reprisal against the President's killer. At least this
is how Roselli explained the tragedy in Dallas.
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