Robert
Boothby
was born in Edinburgh, Scotland,
in 1900. After being educated at Eton and
Oxford University the Conservative
Party in East Aberdeenshire selected him as their parliamentary
candidate. In 1924 he was elected to the House
of Commons.
In
1926 Winston Churchill, the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, appointed Boothby as his parliamentary private secretary,
a post he held for three years.
Boothby
was a frequent visitor to Germany and in
1932 met Adolf Hitler. He was later to
record that "I talked with Hitler for over an hour; and it was
not long before I detected the unmistakable glint of madness in his
eyes." Boothby came out of the meeting convinced that Hitler
posed a serious threat to Britain's security.
In
October 1933 Boothby made a speech where he warned: "If those
of us who believe in freedom refuse to fight for our faith under any
circumstances, then assuredly we will succumb to the military forces
of Fascism or Communism, and most of the things which seem to make
life worth living will be swept away."
Boothby
joined a small group in the Conservative
Party,
including Winston Churchill and Leo
Amery,
that called for the government to increase spending on defence. In
one speech Boothby suggested that the British government was in danger
of betraying those soldiers who had been killed during the First
World War. "In
relation to the facts of the present situation our Air Force is pitifully
inadequate. If we are strong and resolute, and if we pursue a wise
and constructive foreign policy, we can still save the world from
war. But if we simply drift along, never taking the lead, and exposing
the heart of our Empire to an attack which might pulverize it in a
few hours, then everything that makes life worth living will be swept
away, and then indeed we shall have finally broken faith with those
who lie dead in the fields of Flanders."
In January
1938 Boothby became the first person in public life to demand the
introduction of compulsory national
service. He followed this with a campaign to persuade Neville
Chamberlain and
his Conservative government to increase the frontline strength of
the Royal Air Force from 1700 to 3500. However,
both these suggestions were rejected by Chamberlain.
Boothby
returned to office in 1940 when Winston
Churchill appointed him as Parliamentary Private Secretary to
the Ministry of Food. Boothby worked under Lord
Woolton and was given responsibility for devising the National
Milk Scheme, which provided milk for children and nursing mothers
during the Second World War.
In
1941 Boothby was forced to resign after a Select Committee published
a critical report of his behaviour before the war. The committee pointed
out that Boothby had made a speech where he advocated the distribution
of seized Czechoslovakian assets to Czech citizens living in Britain.
It was claimed that this broke the rules of the House
of Commons as Boothby had not disclosed that he had a financial
interest in this policy.
After
resigning from office Boothby joined the Royal
Air Force. After completing his training as a pilot officer he
became Adjutant of Number 9 Bomber Squadron at Honington with the
rank of Flight Lieutenant.
In
1948 Boothby became an original member of the Council of United Europe
and was a British delegate to its consultative assembly (1949-54).
Boothby
was knighted in 1953 and raised to the peerage in 1958. He was also
Rector of the University of St Andrews (1958-61) and Chairman of the
Royal Philharmonic Orchestra (1961-63).
Boothby
made frequent appearances on television and radio and wrote several
books including The New Economy
(1943), I Fight to Live (1947),
My Yesterday, Your Tomorrow (1962)
and Boothby: Recollections of a Rebel
(1978). Robert
Boothby
died
in 1986.
(1)
Robert
Boothby
was a frequent visitor to Germany.
He wrote about these experiences
in his book Boothby: Recollections of a Rebel (1978)
I
received a telephone call from my friend 'Putzi' Hanfstaengi,
who was at that time Hitler's personal private secretary and court
jester. He told me that the Führer
had been reading my speeches with interest, and would like to see
me at his headquarters in the Esplanade Hotel.
It is true that when I
walked across the long room to a corner in which he was sitting writing,
in a brown shirt with a swastika on his arm, he waited without looking
up until I had reached
his side, then sprang to his feet, lifted his right arm, and shouted
'Hitler!'; and that I responded by clicking my heels together, raising
my right arm, and shouting back: 'Boothby!'
I talked with Hitler for
over an hour; and it was not long before I detected the unmistakable
glint of madness in his eyes. I was much impressed by his grasp of
Keynesian economics at that time. He said that I was quite right about
economic
expansion, and the means by which it could be achieved. But he added
that this was now a political crisis, and that political forces would
bring him to power. "After that," he said, "I shall
bend economics to my will; and I have in my hands the necessary instrument,
a man called Schacht." He had no sense of humour. He asked me
how I would feel if Germany had beaten us in the last war, and driven
a corridor between England and Scotland. I said: "You forget,
Herr Hitler, that I
come from Scotland. We should have been delighted." He did not
smile. Instead he brought his fist down with a crash on the table
and said: "So! I had no idea that the hatred between the two
peoples was so great." Perhaps this was one of the reasons why
he sent Hess to Scotland in 1940, for I am sure that he did; and why
he never bombed Edinburgh.
I then asked him, point-blank,
what he was going to do to the Jews. I thought Hanfstaengi was going
to faint, but only a flicker of irritation crossed his face. After
a moment he said: 'There will be no pogroms.'
I think that, at the time, he probably meant it. He had already planned
to take over the whole of central and eastern Europe, and intended
to deport all German Jews to those countries. What I cannot bring
myself to believe is that he was unaware of what Himmler ultimately
did to them.
That night I thought long
and earnestly about the interview. I came to the conclusion that his
plans were far more advanced than I had thought. He did not then wish
to attack Britain and the British Empire, or even France. What he
was determined to do was to bring the whole of central and eastern
Europe under German control; and for this purpose Austria, and above
all Czechoslovakia, were the key points.
(3)
Robert Boothby, speech (October 1933)
If
those of us who believe in freedom refuse to fight for our faith under
any circumstances, then assuredly we will succumb to the military
forces of Fascism or Communism, and most of the things which seem
to make life worth living will be swept away.
(3)
Robert Boothby, letter to Stanley
Baldwin (31st January
1934)
There
is little enthusiasm for the National Government; and
I am firmly convinced that we are now moving towards a very considerable
electoral debacle.
This seems to be to be
due
(1) to the absence of
any political philosophy, or theme, or policy, adequate
to the needs of the time; and
(2) to the lack of constructive
measures, and a reactionary tendency on the part of the Government
which has become apparent lately. e.g. ineffective housing policy;
continued and unwarranted retardation of public works; and, last but
not least, the financial provisions
of the Unemployed Insurance Bill.
I don't share the views
of some regarding the necessity for State 'planning'
of industry, although I think that some new guiding principles will
have to be laid down to enable us to deal with certain industries
of national importance along modern scientific lines.
But I do jib at starving
the unemployed. And that is what it amounts to in some districts at
the present time.
If the Government is to
prosper, the people must be given something in which to believe.
But my immediate purpose
in writing to you is simply to say that if something isn't done to
mitigate the sufferings of the unemployed either in this Bill or in
the Budget, I personally could not go on supporting the Government.
It isn't fair to ask people
to vote down a proposal to give an extra shilling to the first two
dependent children, and vote for the purchase of a Bible which no-one
can read.
(4)
Robert Boothby, speech (11th November, 1934)
Those
who gave their lives in the war did so to save freedom and to gain
peace; but today tyranny has regained the upper hand in Europe, and
the danger of war is as great as in 1914.
The cream of Britain's
manhood was killed in the last war, and those who survived were never
allowed to play any part in the rebuilding of Europe. The result is
that there is little but brute force left.
Today Germany is governed
by a group of able and ruthless men, who have persuaded the German
people that they can never become great again except through armed
force.
I tell you they are rearming.
And I say this - that if we go on as we are today, in a year or eighteen
months' time they will be in a position to strike a vital blow at
the very heart of the British Empire.
It is not too late to
save the situation if only we learn the lessons of the past. The British
Empire still stands for the things those men died to win - freedom
and peace. But I would not care to share the responsibility of those
who today are exposing us to mortal peril.
In relation to the facts
of the present situation our Air Force is pitifully inadequate. If
we are strong and resolute, and if we pursue a wise and constructive
foreign policy, we can still save the world from war. But if we simply
drift along, never taking the lead, and exposing the heart of our
Empire to an attack which might pulverize it in a few hours, then
everything that makes life worth living will be swept away, and then
indeed we shall have finally broken faith with those who lie dead
in the fields of Flanders.
(5)
Robert
Boothby, Boothby:
Recollections of a Rebel (1978)
Reflecting the mood of the country, the Conservative
Party was rotten at the core. The only thing they cared about was
their property and their cash. The only thing they feared was that
one day those nasty Communists would come and take it. The Labour
and Liberal Parties were no better. With the exception of Hugh Dalton
(and even he, speaking from the Front Opposition bench, announced
that they would give no support of any kind to resistance to Hitler's
military occupation of the Rhineland), they made violent, pacifist
speeches; and voted steadily against the miserable Defence Estimates
for the years 1935, 1936, 1937 and 1938. Churchill did not forget
this after he came to power. When he was once asked why he did not
sack more Conservative ministers, and appoint more from the Labour
and Liberal Parties, he said: "They were worse."
(6)
Robert
Boothby, Boothby:
Recollections of a Rebel (1978)
The terms of the Munich Agreement turned out
to be even worse than we had supposed. They amounted to unconditional
surrender. Even Goering was shocked. He said afterwards that when
he heard Hitler tell the conference at Munich (if such it could be
called) that he proposed to occupy the Sudeten lands, including the
Czech fortifications at once, 'we all knew what that
meant'. But neither Chamberlain nor Daladier made a cheep of protest.
Hitler did not even have to send an ultimatum to Czechoslovakia. Chamberlain
did that for him. Ashton-Gwatkin of the Foreign Office brought it
from Munich to Prague for presentation to the Czech Government. He
had breakfast with our Military Attaché, Brigadier Humphrey
Stronge, before he showed it to the British Minister, Basil Newton.
Stronge said that Czechoslovakia could never accept such terms, as
they involved, amongst other things, surrendering all the fortifications,
and thereby rendering her defenceless. Ashton-Gwatkin said that they
had got to accept, and that there was no alternative. Stronge, in
his own words, was 'staggered'; and wondered what the outcome could
possibly be. Later that day, after a heated argument with some of
his generals and politicians, Benes capitulated.
(7)
Robert
Boothby, Boothby:
Recollections of a Rebel (1978)
I was lucky to go to the Ministry of Food. Lord
Woolton was not only a great administrator, but he knew how to treat
his Under-Secretary as few ministers ever do. Since I was responsible
to the House of Commons for policy over the whole field, he gave instructions
that I should be kept fully informed about every aspect of it. But
he went further than that. He gave me specific jobs to do. For example,
he said to me: "One thing we are not short of is milk. We need
a National Milk Scheme. Draft one for me, and let me have it by the
end of next week. The whole resources of the Ministry are at your
disposal." I did this, and after he had made certain amendments,
he told me to submit it to the Cabinet on his behalf. It was approved,
and I got it through
the House of Commons without opposition, and even
without debate, during the evacuation from Dunkirk. Thus
the National Milk Scheme, which provided ample supplies
of cheap milk for children and nursing mothers, came into
existence. Scientists are now generally agreed that this did more
than anything else to nourish, and sustain the health of, the
youth of this country throughout the war.
(8)
Robert
Boothby, Boothby:
Recollections of a Rebel (1978)
Then came the Blitz. After Coventry, the East
End of London had to bear the brunt. Every night, from dusk to dawn
the German bombs fell upon them. Woolton suggested that I might go
down there every morning about six o'clock when the 'All-clear' sounded,
and see what I could do to help. I found that, as they came out of
the shelters, what comforted them most was a kiss and a cup of tea.
These were easily provided. Almost overnight I got the Ministry of
Food to set up canteens all over the East End, manned by voluntary
workers, where the tea was free. When we took them back to their
homes, often reduced to rubble, their chief concern was what had happened
to the cat. I am afraid that the cat searches which I tried to organize
were less successful than the canteens.
A number of people, including
Kingsley Martin, the Editor of The New Statesman and Ritchie
Calder, now Lord Ritchie- Calder, came down to help. But the dominant
figure was a priest called Father Grozier. He never failed. He seemed
to be everywhere all the time; and his very presence brought comfort,
and revived confidence and courage, to thousands of people.
The
people of the East End of London - the true cockneys - are a race
apart. Most of the men were dockers, all the women cosy. Taken as
a whole, they were warm, affectionate, gay, rather reckless, and almost
incredibly brave. Sometimes the language was pretty rough, but it
was so natural and innocent that it never jarred. One day I came across
a small boy crying. I asked him what the matter was, and he said:
"They burnt my mother yesterday." Thinking it was in an
air-raid, I said: "Was she badly burned?" He looked up at
me and said, through his tears: "Oh yes. They don't muck about
in crematoriums." I loved them, and I am glad to have been close
to them in their hour of supreme trial.
(9)
Robert
Boothby, Boothby:
Recollections of a Rebel (1978)
I soon came to the conclusion that the policy
of area bombing of Germany, then being pursued mainly by Wellington
bombers, was not paying off, because the expenditure of our resources
and, still more, of our skilled manpower, was far greater than the
results achieved. Too many of our bombs were dropped in fields. German
arms production was not being seriously interfered with. The best
that could be said for it was that a considerable number of Goering's
fighter aircraft, which might have been sent to other fronts, had
to be kept in Germany. The truth is that in those days the instruments
for accurate navigation did not exist. There were high hopes of one
gadget, which I did not begin to understand; and which was brought
to us one day in a brand-new Wellington bomber. All the navigators
in the squadron went up to see how it worked. Five minutes after take-off,
a wing fell off the plane, and they were all killed.
Early in 1942, Lindemann,
by then a member of the Cabinet, circulated his famous paper on strategic
bombing. This said that if it was concentrated entirely on German
working class houses, and 'military objectives' as such were forgotten,
it would be possible to destroy fifty per cent of all the houses in
the larger towns of Germany quite soon. Charming! The paper was strongly
opposed by the scientists, headed by Sir Henry Tizard and Professor
Blackett. Tizard calculated that Lindemann's estimate was five times
too high, and Blackett that it was six times too high. But Lindemann
was Churchill's man; and Lindemann prevailed. After the war the bombing
survey revealed that his estimate was ten times too high.
The story of the Lindemann-Tizard
controversy has been well told by C. P. Snow in his book Science
and Government; and I have not seen it seriously contradicted.
But one thing remains to be said. I think the scientists underestimated
the psychological effect of our bombing policy not upon the German
but upon the British people. They themselves were under heavy bombardment;
and between 1941 and 1944 bombing was the only method by which we
could directly hit back. I am sure that it gave a tremendous boost
to British morale; and that, to this extent at least, the thousands
of brave and skilled young men in Bomber Command did not give their
lives in vain.
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