In 1791 W. S. Bourne borrowed £100 to start a Sunday newspaper.
The first edition of The Observer was published on 4th December
1791. Bourne told his friends that a newspaper published on a Sunday
would make him a "rapid fortune". He was wrong and three
years later the newspaper was £1,600 in debt. Aware of the potential
for political propaganda, Bourne tried to sell the newspaper to an
anti-government group in London.
This failed and in 1794 Bourne's brother, a wealthy businessman, invested
£1,600 in the newspaper. His strategy was to sell the newspaper
to the government. Although unwilling to buy The Observer,
the government did agree to help subsidise the newspaper in return
for influencing its content. The money was paid from Home Office funds
and this enabled ministers to write editorials praising government's
policy. It also guaranteed that the Observer would not give
its support to Tom Paine, Thomas
Spence, Sir Francis Burdett, Joseph
Priestley and other writers advocating parliamentary reform.
In
1814 the Observer was bought by William Innell Clement. As
he was also the owner of the Morning Chronicle, Bell's Life
in London and the Englishman, Clement was now the most
important press magnate in Britain. Clement continued the policy of
taking a government subsidy in return for an influence over the political
opinions expressed in the newspaper.
By 1815, Lord Sidmouth, the Home Secretary,
had also recruited the services of the newspaper's leading
reporter, Vincent Dowling. At that time
the government was very concerned about the activities of the Spencean
Philanthropists. Although their leader, Thomas
Spence, had died in 1814, this had not dampened their desire for
parliamentary reform. Sidmouth gave John
Stafford, chief clerk at Bow Street, and the supervisor of Home
Office spies, the task of obtaining the evidence necessary to destroy
this group. Stafford recruited John Castle,
a member of the Spenceans, as a spy.
In December 1816, John Stafford paid
Vincent Dowling to record what was said
at a political meeting organised by the Spenceans.
The speakers at the meeting at Spa Fields, Islington, included Henry
'Orator' Hunt, Arthur Thistlewood
and James Watson. The evidence obtained
by Dowling was used to arrest and charge the four leaders of the movement
with high treason. However, the two main prosecution witness were
two government spies, John Castle and Vincent
Dowling. The defence council was able to show that as these men
had been paid to collect information for the government, their evidence
was unreliable and the four Spenceans
were acquitted.
The government subsidy paid to The Observer failed to obtain
the newspaper's support for the action taken by William
Hulton and the Manchester magistrates that resulted in the Peterloo
Massacre on 16th August, 1819. The report published on the Sunday
following the incident was highly critical of the authorities. The
reporter wrote: "I affirm from actual observation, that not the
slightest breach of the peace had been committed, or appeared, as
far as I could judge, likely to take place".
Nor did The Observer did not give its full support to the government
over the Cato Street Conspiracy. Led by Arthur
Thistlewood, one of the men that Vincent
Dowling had given evidence against in June, 1817, the attempt
to assassinate members of the British government was the most important
story of the year. However, Lord Chief Justice Sir Charles Abbott,
decided that there would be no reporting of the trial until after
the passing of the sentences. William Innell Clement, the publisher
of The Observer ignored this order. What is more, he selected
the Cato Street Conspiracy to launch the
idea of using woodcuts to illustrate stories in newspapers.
The Stable at Cato
Street (The Observer, 6th March 1820)
As
a result of The Observer ignoring Abbott's ruling, Clement
was ordered to appear before the Court. Clement refused to attend
and as a result was fined £500. It is claimed that Clement's
defiance helped to establish the freedom of newspapers to report criminal
cases without government interference.
In the 1820s The Observer, gradually became a supporter of
parliamentary reform. In 1830, Lewis Doxat, the editor, wrote: "The
great manufacturing and commercial towns must and will have representatives.
Their claims are too strong to be resisted." However, it was
a long time before The Observer embraced the idea of universal
suffrage. In the 1840s he newspaper was very critical of Chartist
leaders such as William Lovett and Henry
Hetherington who dared to suggest that all men should have the
vote. It was not until 1866 that The Observer was able to say:
"the time has come when the working classes must be effectively
represented in the House of Commons". After pointing out that
universal suffrage was in operation in France and the USA the writer
added: "In these days, when everything progresses so rapidly,
it would be strange if, after so long an interval of time, no alteration
could be beneficially made in the representation of the people."
The Cato Street
Conspiracy (The Observer, 6th March, 1820)
(1)
The Observer (6th January, 1793)
The execution of the positive and systematic incendiary Tom Paine,
is now become as general and as favourable an amusement among the
schoolboys of London, as the execution of that uncertain and preposterous
incendiary, Guy Fawkes, has been for many years. We have the pleasure
of seeing him on fire every day: would we could totally extinguish
the flames which his wicked and absurd writings have too fatally kindled
in the minds of weak and mischievous individuals.
(2)
The Observer (21st June, 1801)
The defendant Thomas Spence was brought into court to receive judgment
for having published a seditious libel, called Spence's Restorer
of Society.
Mr. Justice Grose addressed the defendant upon the enormity of the
publication of which he had been found guilty. It was a libel directly
against the existence of the Government of the country, and recommended
the subversion of those laws on which private property was founded,
and by the operation of which, the industry, trade, commerce and wealth
of the country, had arrived at so high a pitch.
It was calculated to level all distinctions in society, and to make
the weak and helpless prey to the strong and ferocious; it promoted
a system of rapine and murder, to which the defendant, whose wickedness
was only equalled by his weakness and imbecility, must inevitably
have been one of the first sacrifices. Such a plan of equalisation
could only have the effect of making the people all equally poor and
wretched.
For this offence the Court directed that he should be fined the sum
of £20, be imprisoned 12 months in the gaol of Salop.
(3)
The Observer (22nd August, 1819)
Moderate men universally concluded, that the meeting would be allowed
to go off peaceably, provided no breach of the peace was committed
by the people. Mr. Hunt exhorted the people to be firm, but peaceable.
"And," said, he, "if any man makes the slightest attempt
to break the peace, put him down and keep him down." Just as
he had uttered those words, the Manchester and Salford Yeomanry Cavalry
came galloping down Mosley Street and Peter Street, and ranged themselves
in front of a row of houses on the south side of the area where the
meeting was, in one of which the magistrates were assembled.
The greater part of the persons who were at the outskirts of the assembly
on that side instantly ran away; but the main body remained compact
and firm, and finding the soldiers halt under the houses, faced round
to and cheered them. But a few moments had elapsed, when some orders
were given to the troops, and they instantly dashed at full gallop
amongst the people, actually hacking their way up to the hustings.
Men, women and children - constables and reformers were all equally
exposed to their attacks. Numbers were trampled down; and numbers
were cut down.
Whether the Riot Act had been read, I am not enabled positively to
say; but I affirm, from actual observation, that not the slightest
breach of the peace had been committed, or appeared, as far as I could
judge, likely to take place. What are the charges on which Hunt and
the rest are arrested I know not. Rumour says High Treason, of which
carrying the cap of liberty is stated as an overt act!
(4)
The Observer (3rd March, 1820)
The interest excited by the discovery of the diabolical conspiracy
to assassinate his Majesty's Ministers has, throughout the last week
continued with unabated force. The premises in Cato Street, which
will be ever memorable for the events of which they were the scene,
was visited by several thousand persons. Among whom were many individuals
of the highest rank.
The blood of poor Smithers was still visible on the floor, and seemed
to be avoided with a sort of reverential awe. Lee, one of the officers
who was there when the assault took place, was present, and explained
the whole operation from the commencement to the conclusion. Among
others attracted to the spot, we remarked several of the fair sex,
who braved the inconvenience of the difficult ascent to the loft for
the gratification of their curiosity.
(5) The Observer (21st June, 1801)
Our readers will observe that, for the step which we took on Sunday
last, in publishing a correct and impartial report of the trials
of Arthur Thistlewood and James Ings, we have subjected ourselves
to what we cannot help thinking as unmerited severity on the part
of the Commissioners - who have ordered us to pay "a fine to
the King of Five Hundred Pounds".
We have, as we apprehended we had the right to do, published the
proceedings of a public court of justice, and we submit, with humble
deference to our judges, and our jurors, under circumstances in
no respect calculated "to prejudice the course of public justice"
- "to mislead the minds of British jurymen," or "improperly
to inform the minds of honest witnesses."
(6)
The Observer (7th November, 1830)
The great manufacturing and commercial towns must and will have
representatives. Their claims are too strong to be resisted.
(7)
The Observer (16th April, 1848)
The metropolis presented on Monday a scene of unusual excitement
and alarm. The determination announced by the members of the Chartist
National Convention to hold their meeting and procession in defiance
of the law and the constituted authorities - the military preparations,
almost unparalleled for extent and completeness to put down any
insurrectionary attempts.
The weather was exceedingly favourable for the demonstration; no
obstruction was offered by the police to the processions which left
the Middlesex side of London for Kennington Common; a free thoroughfare
was permitted to all who wished to take part in the public meeting;
and yet, instead of the 300,000 persons who, we were told would
assemble on Kennington Common does not reach 50,000
(8)
The Observer (18th February, 1866)
The disclosures of the commissions of inquiry into corrupt practices
of several boroughs have deeply affected the public mind, and it
will no longer be possible to leave a large portion of the representation
of the country in the hands of small and corrupt constituencies.
It is equally clear that the time has come when the working classes
must be effectively represented in the House of Commons. In France,
in Northern Germany, in the United States of America, and in most
of our colonies universal suffrage exists.
The fact is, that the aristocratical and wealthy classes have it
all their own way in the present Parliament. They have not misused
their power; on the contrary, it is remarkable how wisely and liberally
they have dealt by the general public; still people are tired of
seeing others legislate for them; they think they can do better
for themselves, and that certain admitted abuses will stand a better
chance of being removed. In these days, when everything progresses
so rapidly, it would be strange if, after so long an interval of
time, no alteration could be beneficially made in the representation
of the people."
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