Throughout
the 19th century Russian reformers demanded the setting up of a democratically
elected Constituent Assembly.
At first groups like Land and Liberty used
non-violent methods to gain reform but in 1879, the People's
Will was formed. In its first year of existence the group murdered
several government officials. In January, 1880, the group contacted
the Russian government and claimed they would call off the terror
campaign if the Russian people were granted a constitution that provided
free elections and an end to censorship. On 25th February, 1880, Alexander
II announced that he was considering granting the Russian people
a constitution.
A year
later Alexander II had still not published
details of his reforms and the People's Will
therefore decided to carry out their threat and the Tsar was assassinated
by Ignatei Grinevitski on 1st March,
1881.
In
1905 Nicholas II faced a series of domestic
problems that became known as the 1905 Revolution.
Sergi
Witte, the new Chief Minister, advised the
Tsar
to make concessions. He eventually agreed and published the October
Manifesto. This granted freedom of conscience, speech, meeting
and association. He also promised that in future people would not
be imprisoned without trial. Finally he announced that no law would
become operative without the approval of a new organization called
the Duma.
As
this was only a consultative body, many Russians felt that this reform
did not go far enough. The
First
Duma was
elected on the basis of indirect universal male suffrage. The peasants,
the townsmen and the gentry all elected their own representatives.
Delegates from all the provinces met in the provincial town and chose
the members of the Duma.
The
first meeting of the Duma took place in May 1906. Several changes
in the composition of the Duma had been changed since the publication
of the October
Manifesto.
Tsar Nicholas
II
had
also created a State Council, an upper chamber, of which he would
nominate half its members. He also retained for himself the right
to declare war, to control the Orthodox Church
and to dissolve the Duma. The Tsar also had the power to appoint and
dismiss ministers.
The
First
Duma had
a left majority consisting of Socialist-Revolutionaries,
Mensheviks,
Bolsheviks,
Octobrists and
Constitutional Democrat Party.
At their first meeting, members of the Duma put forward a series of
demands including the release of political prisoners, trade
union rights and land reform. Nicholas
II
rejected
all these proposals and dissolved the Duma in July, 1906.
In
1907 the Tsar's chief minister, Peter Stolypin,
now made changes to the electoral law. This excluded national minorities
and dramatically reduced the number of people who could vote in Poland,
Siberia, the Caucasus and in Central Asia. The new electoral law also
gave better representation to the nobility
and gave greater power to the large landowners to the detriment of
the peasants. Changes were also made
to the voting in towns and now those owning their own homes elected
over half the urban deputies.
After
Nicholas
II
abdicated
on 1st March, 1917, the new Provisional
Government announced it would introduce a Constituent Assembly.
Elections were due to take place on 17th September but problems caused
by the need to prepare electoral lists resulted in them being postponed
until November.
A
total of 703 candidates were elected to the Constituent Assembly in
November, 1917. This included Socialist Revolutionaries
(299), Bolsheviks (168), Mensheviks
(18) and Constitutional Democratic Party
(17).
The
Bolsheviks were bitterly disappointed
with the result as they hoped it would legitimize the October
Revolution. When it opened on 5th January, 1918, Victor
Chernov, leader of the Socialist Revolutionaries,
was elected President. When the Assembly refused to support the programme
of the new Soviet Government, the Bolsheviks
walked out in protest.
Later
that day, Vladimir Lenin announced that
the Constituent Assembly had been dissolved. Soon afterwards all opposition
political groups, including the Socialist Revolutionaries,
Mensheviks and the Constitutional
Democratic Party, were banned in Russia.
(1)
In his biography of Vladimir
Lenin the Russian exile, David Shub,
described the role played by Yakov Sverdlov
in closing down the Constituent Assembly.
In accordance with custom, the parliament was opened by
the oldest deputy. From the Socialist Revolutionary benches rose Shvetzov,
a veteran of the People's Will. As he mounted the platform, Bolshevik
deputies began slamming their desks while soldiers and sailors pounded
the floor with their rifles.
Shvetzov
finally found a lull in the noise to say: "The meeting of the
Constituent Assembly is opened." An outburst of catcalls greeted
his words.
Sverdlov
then mounted the platform, pushed the old man aside, and declared
in his loud, rich voice that the Central Executive Committee of the
Soviet of workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies had empowered
him to open the meeting of the Constituent Assembly. Then on behalf
of the committee he read the "Declaration of Rights of the Labouring
and Exploited Masses", written by Lenin, Stalin and Bukharin.
The declaration demanded that all state power be vested in the Soviets,
thereby destroying the very meaning of the Constituent Assembly.
(2)
Nikolai Sukhanov, was a leading member
of the Petrograd Soviet. In his book The
Russian Revolution 1917, he recalled his impression of Victor
Chernov.
In the
creation of the SR Party Chernov had played an absolutely exceptional
role. Chernov was the only substantial theoretician of any kind it
had - and a universal one at that. If Chernov's writings were removed
from the SR party literature almost nothing would be left.
Without
Chernov the SR Party would not have existed, any more than the Bolshevik
Party without Lenin - inasmuch as no serious political organization
can take shape round an intellectual vacuum.
But Chernov
- unlike Lenin - only performed half the work in the SR Party. During
the period of pre-Revolutionary conspiracy he was not the party organizing
centre, and in the broad area of the revolution, in spite of his vast
authority amongst the SRs, Chernov proved bankrupt as a political
leader.
Chernov
never showed the slightest stability, striking power, or fighting
ability - qualities vital for a political leader in a revolutionary
situation. He proved inwardly feeble and outwardly unattractive, disagreeable
and ridiculous.
(3)
Harold Williams, Daily
Chronicle (21st January, 1918)
From various
quarters of the town processions, carrying red flags with inscriptions
for the Constituent, marched towards the centre and one by one were
fired on and dispersed by Red guards and sailors. Barricades were
erected near the Taurida Palace, sailors and Red Guards were stationed
in convenient courtyards: all the methods so familiar under the old
regime were brought into play.
Most of
the shooting took place on the Liteiny Prospect. The number of killed
and wounded apparently was not large, considering the amount of ammunition
expended. Among those killed and wounded were several workmen and
students and one member of the Constituent, the peasant Loginov. Indignation
is intense.
When the
Assembly was opened the galleries were crowded, mostly with Bolshevik
supporters. Sailors and Red Guards, with their bayonets hanging at
various angles, stood on the floor of the House. To right and left
of the Speaker's tribune sat the People's Commissars and their assistants.
Lenin was there, bald, red-bearded, short and rather stout. He was
apparently in good spirits, and chattered merrily with Krylenko (Commander-in-Chief
of the Army). There were Lunacharsky and Mme Kollontai, and a number
of dark young men who now stand at the head of the various Government
departments and devise schemes for the imposition of unalloyed Socialism
on Russia.
After a
long wait an SR proposed that the senior deputy, Shvetsov, should
open the proceedings. The Bolsheviks in the House and galleries raised
a howl of indignation, banged the desks, and with whistles and catcalls
accompanied the slow, heavy tread of an elderly gentleman with long
hair towards the tribune. Shvetsov rang the bell, but the din continued.
The Bolsheviks shook their fists, several rushed towards the tribune,
two or three young men in uniform put their hands on Shvetsov, and
the brawl only ceased when, after the appearance on the scene of Sverdlov,
president of the Executive Committee of the Bolshevik Soviet, the
old gentleman retired.
(4)
In his book My Reminiscences of the Russian Revolution, Morgan
Philips Price, described a speech made by Irakli
Tsereteli when the Bolsheviks
were threatening to close down the Constituent Assembly.
In this
swan-song apology for the history of the previous eight months, Tsereteli
was the same as ever - thoughtful, unemotional, philosophic, calm,
like some Zeus from Olympus, contemplating the conflicts of the lesser
gods. "The Constituent Assembly," he said, "elected
democratically by the whole country, should be the highest authority
in the land. If this is so, then why should an ultimatum be sent to
it by the Central Soviet Executive? Such an ultimatum can only mean
the intensification of civil war. Will this help to realize Socialism?"
On the contrary, it will only assist the German militarists to divide
the revolutionary front. The break-up of the Constituent Assembly
will only serve the interests of the bourgeoisie, whom you (the Bolsheviks)
profess to be fighting. The Assembly alone can save the Revolution.
(5)
Bessie Beatty was in the Constituent Assembly
when it was closed down in January, 1918.
"Why
should we wait?" We should arrest all! We should kill the counter-revolutionist
Chernov!" came in angry murmurs from factory workers and soldiers.
The delegates
looked from one to another. Some one moved a resolution to adjourn
until five that afternoon. It was promptly adopted.
The murmurs
of "Counter-revolutionist!" grew louder and louder. The
soldiers and sailors flocked down the stairs, and crowded round the
delegates. Some of the Bolshevik members who had remained in the ballroom
surrounded Chernov, and took him in safety through the hostile throng
to the gate.
(6)
Maxim Gorky, New Life (9th
January, 1918)
For a hundred years the best people of Russia lived with
the hope of a Constituent Assembly. In this struggle for this idea
thousands of the intelligentsia perished and tens of thousands of
workers and peasants.
On 5th
January, the unarmed revolutionary democracy of Petersburg - workers,
officials - were peacefully demonstrating in favour of the Constituent
Assembly. Pravda lies when it writes that the demonstration
was organized by the bourgeoisie and by the bankers. Pravda
lies; it knows that the bourgeoisie has nothing to rejoice in the
opening of the Constituent Assembly, for they are of no consequence
among the 246 socialists and 140 Bolsheviks. Pravda knows that
the workers of the Obukhavo, Patronnyi and other factories were taking
part in the demonstrations. And these workers were fired upon. And
Pravda may lie as much as it wants, but it cannot hide the
shameful facts.
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