(1)
Harold Williams, Daily Chronicle
(28th February, 1917)
All attention
here is concentrated on the food question, which for the moment has
become unintelligible. Long queues before the bakers' shops have long
been a normal feature of life in the city. Grey bread is now sold
instead of white, and cakes are not baked. Crowds wander about the
streets, mostly women and boys, with a sprinkling of workmen. Here
and there windows are broken and a few bakers' shops looted. But,
on the whole, the crowds are remarkably good-tempered and presently
cheer the troops, who are patrolling the streets.
(2)
Harold Williams witnessed the mutiny in the Russian Army that led
to the overthrow of Nicholas II.
When all
the speakers were hoarse and weary, it was certain that the whole
Petrograd garrison of 140,000 men had gone over to the revolution.
But the officers were not with them. Uncertain of their duty, unwilling
to break their oath of allegiance, they held back - all but a very
few - and passed the day in deep depression while Petrograd was rejoicing.
(3)
Harold Williams, Daily Chronicle
(3rd March, 1917)
The composition
of the new government is extraordinarily moderate in the circumstances.
There has been, and still is, danger from extremists, who want at
once to turn Russia into a Socialist republic and have been agitating
amongst soldiers, but reason has been reinforced by a sense of danger
from the Germans and the lingering forces of reaction gaining the
upper hand.
In numberless
talks I have had with soldiers I have been struck by their fundamental
reasonableness, their sense of order and discipline. They wish to
be free men, but very strongly realize their duty as soldiers. The
more moderate Socialists, the so-called Plekhanov party, who stand
for war, are very useful as mediators, and as soon as the new Government
secures its ground the influence of the extremists will be diminished.
(4)
Harold Williams, Daily Chronicle
(5th March, 1917)
It is a
wonderful thing to see the birth of freedom. With freedom comes brotherhood,
and in Petrograd today there is a flow of brotherly feeling. Everywhere
you see it in the streets. The trams are not yet running, and people
are tired of endless walking. But the habit now is to share your cab
with perfect strangers.
The police
have gone, but the discipline is marvelous. Everyone shares the task
of maintaining discipline and order. A volunteer militia has been
formed and 7,000 men enrolled as special constables, mostly students,
professors, and men of the professional classes generally. These,
with the help of occasional small patrols of soldiers, control the
traffic, guard the banks, factories, and Government buildings, and
ensure security.
Soldiers,
with all their freedom, are displaying a sense of order and discipline
that would be hardly conceivable in any other nation. Throughout the
revolution, when the city was actually under the control of thousands
of soldiers, they behaved with few exceptions like thorough gentleman.
We heard of no cases of cold-blooded murder. Only those officers or
police were killed who opened fire on the soldiers. Private property
nearly everywhere was scrupulously respected, and in most cases robbery
was due to criminals disguised as soldiers.
Good news
comes this evening that the moderate group in the Soviet is gaining
the upper hand, and the prospects are brighter than ever. Prince Kropotkin
(now living in Brighton) and Plekhanov, veteran Socialist exiles,
who the champion war as a war of defence and liberation, have been
urgently invited to return to help in the work of reconstruction.
(5)
Soon after the February Revolution Harold
Williams interviewed Alexander Kerensky.
Last week's
ridiculous manifesto (Order No 1), issued in the name of the Council
of Workmen's Deputies (the Soviet), calling on the soldiers not to
obey their officers, Kerensky sharply characterized as an act of provocation.
There had been a few instances of grave disturbance of discipline,
but the Minister was confident that this phase would soon pass, together
with the other eccentricities. He declared: "The general effect
of the liberation will, I am convinced, be to give an immense uplift
to the spirit of the troops, and so to shorten the war. We are for
iron discipline in working hours, but out of working hours we want
the soldiers to feel they are also free men."
(6)
Harold Williams, Daily Chronicle
(4th March, 1917)
The Council
of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies (the Soviet) is now an unwieldy
body of over a thousand members elected by the workmen of all the
factories and the soldiers of each company of the insurgent regiments.
This body is swayed by Socialists, some of whom are moderate and reasonable,
and realize all the complexity of the present situation, while others
are extremists who are eager to give immediate effect to their doctrines.
(7)
Harold Williams, Daily Chronicle
(8th March, 1917)
Kerensky
is a young man in his early thirties, of medium height, with a slight
stoop, and a quick, alert movement, with brownish hair brushed straight
up, a broad forehead already lined, a sharp nose, and bright, keen
eyes, with a certain puffiness in the lids due to want of sleep, and
a pale, nervous face tapering sharply to the chin. His whole bearing
was that of a man who could control masses.
He was
dressed in a grey, rather worn suit, with a pencil sticking out of
his breast pocket. He greeted us with a very pleasant smile, and his
manner was simplicity itself. He led us into his study, and there
we talked for an hour. We discussed the situation thoroughly, and
I got the impression that Kerensky was not only a convinced and enthusiastic
democrat, ready to sacrifice his life if need be for democracy - that
I already knew from previous acquaintance - but that he had a clear,
broad perception of the difficulties and dangers of the situation,
and was preparing to meet them.
(8)
Harold Williams, Daily Chronicle
(8th April, 1917)
Lenin,
leader of the extreme faction of the Social Democrats, arrived here
on Monday night by way of Germany. His action in accepting from the
German government a passage from Switzerland through Germany arouses
intense indignation here. He has come back breathing fire, and demanding
the immediate and unconditional conclusions of peace, civil war against
the army and government, and vengeance on Kerensky and Chkheidze,
whom he describes as traitors to the cause of International Socialism.
At the meeting of Social Democrats yesterday his wild rant was received
in dead silence, and he was vigorously attacked, not only by the more
moderate Social Democrats, but by members of his own faction.
Lenin was
left absolutely without supporters. The sharp repulse given to this
firebrand was a healthy sign of the growth of practical sense of the
Socialist wing, and the generally moderate and sensible tone of the
conference of provincial workers' and soldiers' deputies was another
hopeful indication of the passing of the revolutionary fever.
(8)
Harold Williams, Daily Chronicle
(29th September, 1917)
The Kornilov
Affair has intensified mutual distrust and completed the work of destruction.
The Government is shadowy and unreal, and what personality it had
has disappeared before the menace of the Democratic Assembly. Whatever
power there is again concentrated in the hands of the Soviets, and,
as always happens when the Soviets secure a monopoly of power, the
influence of the Bolsheviks has increased enormously. Kerensky has
returned from Headquarters, but his prestige has declined, and he
is not actively supported either by the right or by the left.
(9)
Harold Williams, Daily Chronicle
(22nd November, 1917)
Lenin is
an interesting figure. It is absurd to regard him as a mere German
agent. I imagine that in pursuit of his ends Lenin is willing to use
all available means, and if the Germans like to supply money or officers
for the purpose of effecting a social revolution in Russia he gladly
accepts even their services.
Mere money
for his personal use could not tempt such a man. He is utterly headstrong,
oblivious of realities, oblivious of what he regards as bourgeois
morality, oblivious of immediate consequences. He sees only his goal,
the complete and forcible establishment of Socialism in Russia.
(10)
Harold Williams, Daily Chronicle
(26th November, 1917)
Of constructive
power the Bolsheviks have none, but they have enormous power for destruction.
They can make a wilderness and call it peace. They can finally demoralize
the army and reduce it to a rabble of hungry, looting bands, who will
stream across the country, block the railways, reduce the civil population
to starvation and the extreme of terror, and will fight like wolves
over their prey. That they can do in the name of peace.
(11)
Harold Williams, Daily Chronicle
(21st January, 1918)
From various
quarters of the town processions, carrying red flags with inscriptions
for the Constituent, marched towards the centre and one by one were
fired on and dispersed by Red guards and sailors. Barricades were
erected near the Taurida Palace, sailors and Red Guards were stationed
in convenient courtyards: all the methods so familiar under the old
regime were brought into play.
Most of
the shooting took place on the Liteiny Prospect. The number of killed
and wounded apparently was not large, considering the amount of ammunition
expended. Among those killed and wounded were several workmen and
students and one member of the Constituent, the peasant Loginov. Indignation
is intense.
When the
Assembly was opened the galleries were crowded, mostly with Bolshevik
supporters. Sailors and Red Guards, with their bayonets hanging at
various angles, stood on the floor of the House. To right and left
of the Speaker's tribune sat the People's Commissars and their assistants.
Lenin was there, bald, red-bearded, short and rather stout. He was
apparently in good spirits, and chattered merrily with Krylenko (Commander-in-Chief
of the Army). There were Lunacharsky and Mme Kollontai, and a number
of dark young men who now stand at the head of the various Government
departments and devise schemes for the imposition of unalloyed Socialism
on Russia.
After a
long wait an SR proposed that the senior deputy, Shvetsov, should
open the proceedings. The Bolsheviks in the House and galleries raised
a howl of indignation, banged the desks, and with whistles and catcalls
accompanied the slow, heavy tread of an elderly gentleman with long
hair towards the tribune. Shvetsov rang the bell, but the din continued.
The Bolsheviks shook their fists, several rushed towards the tribune,
two or three young men in uniform put their hands on Shvetsov, and
the brawl only ceased when, after the appearance on the scene of Sverdlov,
president of the Executive Committee of the Bolshevik Soviet, the
old gentleman retired.
Available
from Amazon Books (order below)
