Juan
Negrin, the son of a wealthy businessman, was
born in Spain in 1892. He studied at several
German universities and in 1923 he became professor of physiology
at the Medical Faculty of Madrid University.
In 1929 Negrin joined he
Socialist Party (PSOE) and two years
later was elected to the Cortes.
Over the next few years he was a supporter of Indalecio
Prieto, the leader of the moderate faction in the PSOE.
He supported the Popular
Front government and in September 1936 Francisco
Largo Caballero appointed
him minister of finance. During
the Spanish Civil War Negrin took the controversial
decision to transfer the Spanish gold reserves to the Soviet
Union in return for arms to continue the war. Worth $500 million
at the time, critics argued that this action put the Republican government
under the control of Joseph Stalin.
In the Civil War the National
Confederation of Trabajo (CNT), the Federación
Anarquista Ibérica (FAI) and the Worker's
Party (POUM) played an important role in running Barcelona.
This brought them into conflict with other left-wing groups in the
city including the Union General de Trabajadores
(UGT), the Catalan Socialist Party (PSUC)
and the Communist Party (PCE).
On the 3rd May 1937, Rodriguez
Salas, the Chief of Police, ordered the Civil
Guard and the Assault Guard to take
over the Telephone Exchange, which had been operated by the CNT since
the beginning of the Spanish Civil War.
Members of the CNT in the Telephone Exchange were armed and refused
to give up the building. Members of the CNT,
FAI and POUM became
convinced that this was the start of an attack on them by the UGT,
PSUC and the PCE
and that night barricades were built all over the city.
Fighting broke out on the
4th May. Later that day the anarchist
ministers, Federica Montseny and Juan
Garcia Oliver, arrived in Barcelona and attempted to negotiate
a ceasefire. When this proved to be unsuccessful, Negrin now called
on Francisco
Largo Caballero to
use government troops to takeover the city. Largo Caballero also came
under pressure from Luis Companys, the
leader of the PSUC, not to take this action, fearing that this would
breach Catalan autonomy.
On 6th May death squads
assassinated a number of prominent anarchists in their homes. The
following day over 6,000 Assault Guards
arrived from Valencia and gradually took
control of Barcelona. It is estimated
that about 400 people were killed during what became known as the
May Riots.
These events in Barcelona
severely damaged the Popular Front government.
Negrin was highly critical of the way Francisco
Largo Caballero handled
the May Riots. President Manuel
Azaña agreed
and on 17th May he asked Negrin to form a new government. Negrin was
now a communist sympathizer and from this date Joseph
Stalin obtained more control over the policies of the Republican
government.
In April 1938 Negrin
also took over the Ministry of Defence. He now began appointing members
of the Communist
Party (PCE) to important military and civilian
posts. This included Marcelino Fernandez, a communist, to head the
Carabineros. Communists were also given control of propaganda, finance
and foreign affairs. The socialist, Luis
Araquistain, described Negrin's government as the "most cynical
and despotic in Spanish history."
Negrin now attempted
to gain the support of western governments by announcing his plan
to decollectivize industries. On 1st May 1938 Negrin published a thirteen-point
program that included the promise of full civil and political rights
and freedom of religion.
President Manuel
Azaña
attempted to oust Negrin in August 1938. However, he no longer had
the power he once had and with the support of the communists in the
government and armed forces, Negrin was able to survive.
On 27th February,
1939, the British prime minister, Neville
Chamberlain
recognized the Nationalist government headed by General Francisco
Franco. Later that day President
Azaña
resigned from office, declaring that the war was lost and that he
did not want Spaniards to make anymore useless sacrifices.On 27th
February, 1939, the British prime minister, Neville
Chamberlain
recognized the Nationalist government headed by General Francisco
Franco. Later that day Manuel
Azaña
resigned from office, declaring that the war was lost and that he
did not want Spaniards to make anymore useless sacrifices.
Negrin
now promoted communist leaders such as Antonio
Cordon, Juan
Modesto and
Enrique Lister to senior posts in the army.
Segismundo
Casado,
commander of the Republican Army
of the Centre,
now became convinced that Negrin was planning a communist coup. On
4th March, Casedo, with the support of the socialist leader, Julián
Besteiro and disillusioned anarchist leaders, established an Anti-Negrin
National Defence Junta.
On 6th March
José
Miaja in Madrid joined the rebellion by ordering the arrests of
Communists in the city. Negrin, about
to leave for France, ordered Luis Barceló,
commander of the First Corps of the Army of the Centre, to try and
regain control of the capital. His troops entered Madrid and there
was fierce fighting for several days in the city. Anarchists troops
led by Cipriano Mera, managed to defeat the
First Corps and Barceló was captured and executed.
Negrin now fled to France
where he attempted to maintain a government in exile. After the invasion
of the German
Army in
the summer of 1940 he went to live in England.
After the Second
World War Negrin returned to France where
he died on 12th November, 1956.
(1)
George
Orwell,
Homage to Catalonia (1938)
The Government was headed
by Caballero, a Left-wing Socialist, and contained ministers representing
the U.G.T. (Socialist trade unions) and the C.N.T. (Syndicalist unions
controlled by the Anarchists). The Catalan Generalite was for a while
virtually superseded by an anti-Fascist Defence Committee' consisting
mainly of delegates from the trade unions. Later the Defence Committee
was dissolved and the Generalite was reconstituted so as to represent
the unions and the various Left-wing parties. But every subsequent
reshuffling of the Government was a move towards the Right. First
the P.O.U.M. was expelled from the Generalite; six months later Caballero
was replaced by the Right-wing Socialist Negrin; shortly afterwards
the C.N.T. Was eliminated from the Government; then the U.G.T.; then
the C.N.T. Was turned out of the Generalite; finally, a year after
the outbreak of war and revolution, there remained a Government composed
entirely of Right-wing
Socialists, Liberals, and Communists.
(2)
Edward
Knoblaugh,
Correspondent in Spain (1937)
Juan Negrin, former Minister of Treasury under
Largo and a friend of the foreign correspondents, was named Premier
to succeed Largo. I had known Negrin for several years and sincerely
admired him. Even after the stocky, bespectacled multi-linguist became
a cabinet minister he continued his nightly visits to the Miami bar
for his after-dinner liqueur. I often chatted with him there, getting
angles on the financial situation.
The presence of a moderate
Socialist at the head of the new government was a boon to the regime
because it strengthened the fiction of a "democratic" government
abroad. Largo's ouster, however, produced fresh troubles. Feeling
much stronger after its critical first test of strength against the
Catalonian Anarcho-Syndicalists, the government had ousted the Anarchist
members of the Catalonian Generalitat government and followed this
up by excluding the Anarcho-Syndicalists from representation in the
new Negrin cabinet.
Largo, it had been thought,
would step down gracefully, but, bitterly disappointed and angry,
the former Premier immediately began plotting his return to power.
The Anarchists, equally bitter at their being deprived of a voice
in government, suddenly threw their support to Largo, who adopted
as his new campaign slogan the Anarchist cry "We want our social
revolution now."
(3)
The Manchester Guardian (15th
May 1937)
Dr. Negrin, the Finance Minister in the last Government
has succeeded, after a day of strenuous effort, in forming a
Government in place of Senor Caballero's, which resigned on Saturday
owing to internal differences.
Dr. Negrin's Cabinet maintains
the same Popular Front formation as that of Senor Largo Caballero,
but consists of nine
members instead of fifteen. Dr. Negrin had previously stated that
he would aim at such a reduction. The new Cabinet has only three Socialists,
whereas formerly they had six Ministers. The Communists retain their
previous strength of two.
The major changes are
the departure of Senor Largo Caballero and the dropping of Senor del
Vayo, the Socialist Foreign Minister.
Dr. Negrin has formed
his Government without the active collaboration of the two large groups
of trade unions the U.G.T.
- Socialist and Communist - and the C.N.T. (mainly Anarchists and
Socialists). These bodies refused during the afternoon to collaborate
in the Government formed by Dr. Juan Negrin. The reason was his intention
to cut down the number of Ministers allotted to them.
However, three of the
new Ministers are members of the Socialist party, which predominates
in the U.G.T. One of the
significant features of the new Government is the concentration of
the Ministries of War, Air, and Marine in the hands of one Minister
of National Defence.
The government headed by
Largo Caballero had been formed on September 4, 1936 and resigned
on May 15, 1937. Caballero was invited by President Azana to form
a new government but failed in his attempts to do so. It would seem
that the Barcelona revolt played a part in the fall of Caballero's
Government but his real problems arose from the refusal of the Communists
to collaborate with him and the unpreparedness of the Socialists to
work with him in the absence of the Communists.
(4)
Hugh Thomas, The Spanish Civil War (1961)
A secret F.A.I. - Federacion
Anarquista Iberica - circular of September 1938 pointed out that of
7,000 promotions in the Army since May 5,500 had been Communists.
In the Army of the Ebro out of 27 brigades, 25 were commanded by
Communists, while all 9 divisional commanders, 3 army corps commanders,
and the supreme commander (Modesto) were Communists. This was the
most extreme case of Communist control, but the proportions for the
Anarchists were nearly as depressing elsewhere. In all six armies
of Republican Spain the Anarchists believed the proportions to be
163 Communist brigade commanders to 33 Anarchists, 61 divisional commanders
to 9 Anarchists, 15 army corps commanders to 2 Anarchists (with 4
Anarchist sympathizers), and 3 Communist army commanders, 2 sympathizers
and one neutral.
(5)
Luis
Bolin, Spain, the Vital Years (1967)
The Negrin Government issued a communique,
stating, 'On the Catalan front, the battle presents its usual features.
Our forces are heroically resisting violent attacks launched by Italian
troops' - Italian troops, at that time, amounted to less than 4 per
cent of Franco's effectives - 'supported by Spanish contingents. After
suffering great losses, the enemy has compelled us to readjust, slightly,
the contour of our lines.' Negrin's communique was dated 25 January
1939, one day before the capture of Barcelona. At the time it was
issued every Red leader in Catalonia had fled to France, leaving behind
them 200,000 men, 242 cannon, 100 planes, 3,500 machine-guns, thousands
of rifles, millions of cartridges and every imaginable kind of rolling-stock,
including 6,000 lorries, all of which fell into our hands.
(6)
Juan Negrin,
radio broadcast (27th February 1938)
The loss of Teruel was an episode
of the war brought about by the enormous quantity of arms and men
sent to the assistance of Franco by Italy and Germany. We need the
aid of no one. With the men, material, and ideals at our disposal
we are certain of ultimate victory, which has been so long postponed.
The delay in victory is due solely
to the intervention of foreign Powers and the injustice of the Non-Intervention
Committee which hinders our purchase of armaments.
We believe
that German and Italian superiority in armaments will not last long
and that the Spanish Government with its resources will supply the
Republican Army with all the aeroplanes and war material which are
required, superior to the
Fascists. The Spanish people have shown in history what they are capable
of when their country and liberties are in danger and at stake. The
country of so much suffering and of so great morale
will win in the long run.
(7)
Statement
by the Anti-Negrin
National Defence Junta (5th March, 1939)
Spanish
workers, people of anti-fascist Spain! The time has come when we must
proclaim to the four winds the truth of our present situation. As
revolutionaries, as proletarians, as Spaniards, as anti-fascists,
we cannot endure any longer the imprudence and the absence of forethought
of Dr. Negrin's government. We cannot permit that, while the people
struggle, a few privileged persons should continue their life abroad.
We address all workers, antifascists and Spaniards! Constitutionally,
the government of Dr Negrin is without lawful basis. In practice also,
it lacks both confidence
and good sense. We have come to show the way which may avoid disaster:
we who oppose the policy of resistance give our assurance that not
one of those who ought to remain in Spain shall leave till all who
wish to leave have done so.
(8)
Jane Patrick, CNT-FAI radio broadcast (29th March, 1937)
What
do you think of the situation in Spain now? Do you think that the
revolution is progressing? For my part I see it slipping, slipping,
and that has been the position for some time. However, perhaps it
will be possible for it to be saved. Let us hope so, but it seems
to me that reaction is gaining a stronger hold each day. What do you
expect Britain and France to do about Italy, now that she has so openly
declared her intentions? Do you think they will rush an armistice
or
will they just let things slide? In my opinion they cannot afford
to let things slide as there is no limit to what the Duce will do,
and I don't think they will be prepared to declare war, so the only
alternative, so as as I can see, is an armistice. I think an armistice
would be a disgraceful thing, and the Anarchists of Spain would not
stand for it. But I am afraid the government cannot be trusted. The
government and its Communist Party allies are capable of anything.
What will follow? Of course, I do not know what will take place. It
is all speculation on my part but things seem to me to be in a very
bad way.
(9)
Edward
Heath, The
Course of My Life (1988)
The political situation,
however, was the main purpose of our visit and we were reminded of
this at the dinner given for us late at night by the Prime Minister,
Dr Juan Negrin, in his home in the hills overlooking the city. This
was also attended by other senior ministers including Alvarez del
Vayo, the Foreign Minister, with whom we had already had a two-hour
talk on international affairs three days earlier. I marvel now at
how cool and collected they all were, with Madrid isolated. General
Franco's forces about to cross the river, their people ravaged by
shortages of food and grievous defeat facing them within, at the most,
a few months.
Dr Negrin was a distinguished
scientist as well as a competent organiser, who recognised only too
clearly the terrifying scale of what he and his allies were up against.
He also foresaw that this civil war could well prove to be the precursor
of a wholesale European conflict between the forces of fascism and
the free democracies. He characterised the situation in 1938, with
appeasement still predominating, as a 'clash between cowardly prudence
and rash audacity'. He had already prophesied what would happen to
Austria and Czechoslovakia, and no stronger or better-informed voice
was raised at that time against further appeasement of the Axis powers.
Negrin was a man of integrity and inner strength. When he had first
been required to sign a death sentence passed by a military tribunal,
a shadow had passed over his face and he had reflected that 'We must
sanction all death sentences that may be necessary so that Spain may
live.' He had also made successful use of a three-month indisposition
to master Hungarian, a complicated and impenetrable tongue unrelated
to other Southern or Central European languages. The equally impressive
del Vayo, previously a foreign correspondent and then an ambassador,
also warned us with the greatest intensity that, unless the international
community rallied soon to the Spanish Republican cause, the effects
of his people's struggle would ultimately extend far beyond Spain.
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