Alfonso
XIII of
Spain assumed power in 1902. Alfonso
XIII became increasingly autocratic and in 1909 was condemned for
ordering the execution of the radical leader, Ferrer Guardia, in Barcelona.
He also prevented liberal reforms being introduced before the First
World War.
Blamed for the Spanish
defeat in the Moroccan War (1921) Alfonso
was in
constant conflict with Spanish politicians. His anti-democratic views
encouraged Miguel Primo de Rivera to lead
a military coup in 1923. He
promised to eliminate corruption and to regenerate Spain. In order
to do this he suspended the constitution, established martial law
and imposed a strict system of censorship.
Miguel
Primo de Rivera initially said he would rule for only 90 days,
however, he broke this promise and remained in power. Little social
reform took place but he tried to reduce unemployment by spending
money on public works. To pay for this Primo de Rivera introduced
higher taxes on the rich. When they complained he changed his policies
and attempted to raise money by public loans. This caused rapid inflation
and after losing support of the army was forced to resign in January
1930.
In 1931 Alfonso
XIII agreed
to democratic elections. It was the first time for nearly sixty years
that free elections had been allowed in Spain. When the Spanish people
voted overwhelmingly for a republic, Alfonso was advised that the
only way to avoid large-scale violence was to go into exile. Alfonso
agreed and left the country on 14th April, 1931.
The provisional government
called a general election for June 1931. The Socialist
Party (PSOE) and other left wing parties won an overwhelming victory.
Niceto
Alcala Zamora,
a moderate Republican, became prime minister, but included in his
cabinet several radical figures such as Manuel
Azaña,
Francisco
Largo Caballero and
Indalecio Prieto.
On 16th October
1931, Azaña
replaced Niceto
Alcala Zamora as
prime minister. With the support of the Socialist
Party (PSOE)
he attempted to introduce agrarian reform and regional autonomy. However,
these measures were blocked in the Cortes.
Azaña believed
that the Catholic Church was responsible for Spain's backwardness.
He defended the elimination of special privileges for the Church on
the grounds that Spain had ceased to be Catholic. Azaña was
criticized by the Catholic Church for not doing more to stop the burning
of religious buildings in May 1931. He controversially remarked that
burning of "all the convents in Spain was not worth the life
of a single Republican".
The failed military
coup led by José
Sanjurjo on
10th August, 1932, rallied support for Azaña's
government. It was now possible for him to get the Agrarian
Reform Bill and the Catalan Statute passed by the Cortes.
However, the modernization programme of the Azaña administration
was undermined by a lack of financial resources.
The November 1933
elections saw the right-wing CEDA party
win 115 seats whereas the Socialist
Party only
managed 58. CEDA now formed a parliamentary alliance with the Radical
Party. Over the next two years the new administration demolished the
reforms that had been introduced by Manuel
Azaña and
his government.
This led to a
general strike on 4th October 1934 and an armed rising in Asturias.
Azaña was
accused of encouraging these disturbances and on 7th October he was
arrested and interned on a ship in Barcelona Harbour. However, no
evidence could be found against him and he was released on 18th December.
Azaña was
also accused of supplying arms to the Asturias insurrectionaries.
In March 1935, the matter was debated in the Cortes, where Azaña
defended himself in a three-hour speech. On 6th April, 1935, the Tribunal
of Constitutional Guarantees acquitted Azaña.
On 15th January 1936, Manuel
Azaña helped
to establish a coalition
of parties on the political left to fight the national elections
due to take place the following month. This included the Socialist
Party (PSOE), Communist Party (
PCE), Esquerra Party and the Republican
Union Party.
The Popular
Front, as the coalition became known, advocated the restoration
of Catalan autonomy, amnesty for political prisoners, agrarian reform,
an end to political blacklists and the payment of damages for property
owners who suffered during the revolt of 1934. The Anarchists
refused to support the coalition and instead urged people not to vote.
Right-wing groups in Spain
formed the National Front. This included the CEDA
and the Carlists. The Falange
Española did not officially join but most of its members
supported the aims of the National Front.
The Spanish people voted
on Sunday, 16th February, 1936. Out of a possible 13.5 million voters,
over 9,870,000 participated in the 1936
General Election. 4,654,116 people (34.3) voted for the Popular
Front, whereas the National Front obtained 4,503,505 (33.2) and the
centre parties got 526,615 (5.4). The Popular Front, with 263 seats
out of the 473 in the Cortes
formed the new government.
The Popular Front government
immediately upset the conservatives by releasing all left-wing political
prisoners. The government also introduced agrarian reforms that penalized
the landed aristocracy. Other measures included transferring right-wing
military leaders such as Francisco
Franco to posts
outside Spain, outlawing the Falange Española
and granting Catalonia political and administrative autonomy.
As a result of these measures
the wealthy took vast sums of capital out of the country. This created
an economic crisis and the value of the peseta declined which damaged
trade and tourism. With prices rising workers demanded higher wages.
This led to a series of strikes in Spain.
On
the 10th May 1936 the conservative Niceto
Alcala Zamora was
ousted as president and replaced by the left-wing Manuel
Azaña.
Soon afterwards Spanish Army officers, including Emilio
Mola,
Francisco
Franco, Juan
Yague, Gonzalo
Queipo de Llano and
José
Sanjurjo,
began plotting to overthrow the Popular Front government. This resulted
in the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War
on 17th July, 1936.
(1)
Miguel
Primo de Rivera, speech
(September 1923)
We have reason on our side and, therefore,
force, though so far we have used force with moderation. If an attempt
is made to trick us into a compromise which our conscience considers
dishonourable, we shall demand greater penalties, and impose them
with greater severity. Neither I, nor the garrisons of Aragon, from
whom I have just received a telegram in support, will agree to anything
but a military dictatorship. If the politicians make an attempt to
defend themselves, we shall do the same, relying on the help of the
people, whose reserves of energy are great. Today we are resolved
on moderation, but, on the other hand, we shall not shrink from bloodshed.
(2)
King Alfonso
XIII,
statement (14th April 1931)
Sunday's elections have shown me
that I no longer enjoy the love of my people. I could very easily
find means to support my royal powers against all comers, but I am
determined to have nothing to do with setting one of my countrymen
against another in a fratricidal civil war. Thus, until the nation
speaks, I shall deliberately suspend the use of my royal prerogative.
(3)
Fred Copeman, Reason in Revolt (1948)
Life for the Spanish peasants was poor materially
by English standards. They had an obvious love of the land, though
their methods had not changed for a thousand years. There were the
same low stone buildings with the single wooden bench used for both
bed and table. Chickens, pigs, goats and every other animal, had free
access to the living quarters. Ploughing consisted of the scratching
of the ground with a wooden implement which was nothing more than
a sharp-edged pole pulled by mules or donkeys. The corn
was cut by hand and gathered by the women and children. Everybody
in the village would take part.
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