James Maxton was born in Glasgow, Scotland,
in 1885. Both his parents were schoolteachers and he was encouraged
to have an academic career. After being educated at Hutcheson's Grammar
School and Glasgow University he became a schoolteacher in the city.
Converted to socialism by speakers such as James
Keir Hardie, Philip Snowden and Ramsay
MacDonald, Maxton joined the Independent Labour
Party.
Maxton was involved in the formation of teachers' unions in Scotland
including the Educational Institute of Scotland and the Scottish Socialist
Teachers' Society. With John Maclean,
Maxton gave lectures on politics and economics in the Scottish Labour
College.
Maxton began working closely with other socialists
in Glasgow including John
Wheatley, Emanuel Shinwell, David
Kirkwood, William Gallacher, John
Muir, Tom Johnston, Jimmie
Stewart, Neil Maclean, George
Hardie, George Buchanan and James
Welsh.
By
1912 Maxton was the leading figure in the Independent
Labour Party in Scotland. Like most members of the ILP, Maxton
opposed Britain's involvement in the First World
War. As a pacifist he refused to
be conscripted into the armed forces. Maxton was also involved in
organizing strikes in the shipyards, engineering and munitions factories.
Dismissed as a teacher he was arrested in 1916 and charged with sedition.
Found guilty, he was imprisoned for a year.
Maxton was defeated in the 1918 General Election
and for the next four years was Divisional Organizer for the ILP and
a member of the Glasgow Education Authority.
In
the 1922 General Election Maxton was elected
as MP for Bridgeton, Glasgow. Also successful
were several other militant socialists based in Glasgow
including John Wheatley, Emanuel
Shinwell, David Kirkwood, John
Muir, Tom Johnston, Jimmie
Stewart, Neil Maclean, George
Hardie, George Buchanan and James
Welsh. The Clydesiders were constant critics of the moderate policies
of Ramsay MacDonald. Maxton was also
abusive about members of the Conservative
Party and was several times suspended from the House
of Comments for his comments.
In 1925 Maxton led the Socialism in Our Time campaign and the following
year was elected as leader of the Independent Labour
Party. Maxton also played a prominent role in the leadership of
the trade unions during the 1926 General Strike.
Following the 1929 General Election, Maxton
was highly critical of the Labour Government led by Ramsay
MacDonald. When MacDonald formed the National Government in 1931,
Maxton successfully persuaded the Independent Labour
Party to break away from the Labour Party.
As a pacifist Maxton opposed rearmament in the 1930s and supported
the appeasement policies of Neville Chamberlain.
After the outbreak of the Second World War Maxton
continued to argue for pacifism in
the House of Commons. James Maxton, who
wrote several books on politics, including The
Life of Lenin (1932) and If I
Were Dictator (1935) died in 1946.
(1)
Fenner Brockway, Towards Tomorrow
(1977)
Maxton was Keir Hardie's natural successor. Hardie
created the Labour Party. Maxton sought to make it a Socialist Party.
He did not succeed - few would say that it is yet Socialist in practice
- but he converted more people to real Socialism, its spirit and purpose,
than any man in Britain. In his sixty-one years he addressed more
meetings and spoke to more people than anyone, and he rarely spoke
without making converts, changing their conception of life fundamentally.
He did this not only by convincing argument and inspiring eloquence,
but because Socialism to him was a religion and his hearers sensed
intuitively that his words were himself. When he entered prison he
registered Socialism as his religion and when told that this was politics
replied that it was his one guide to life. Walter Elliott in his obituary
tribute on the BBC said that Maxton was a Socialist before Socialism.
Everyone who knew Maxton knows how true that was. He treated all human
beings as equals, the Labourer and the Lord, at the same time subservient
to none. When sympathy was voiced that he had had to mix with criminals
in prison he retorted that he had only twice seen criminal features
- in a senior official of the High Court and in his mirror.
(2)
David
Kirkwood, My Life of Revolt
(1935)
From time
to time there comes into the world a man who is different from other
men. It matters little in what circumstances he is born. He may be
one of a large family, brought up in the same home, educated at the
same school, and yet be as different from his brothers and sisters
as he is from other men and women.
James
Maxton is one of the different men. He is so unlike other men that
we have no one with whom we may compare him. His standard of judgment
is different. His standard of values is different. The things that
entice and encourage other men to activity have no allurement for
him.
James Maxton
is the product of his times, but he would have become notable in any
circumstances. He is that rare combination of fearless oratory and
absolute truth. He has never been pulled up for an inaccurate statement.
He is a great speaker. Sometimes he is more than that. He is a prophet.
He looks
and speaks and acts like a man inspired. He loses himself, though
he never loses his temper. At such times he speaks with tongue of
fire, as no other man I have ever heard in the House.
(3)
Emanuel
Shinwell, Conflict Without
Malice (1955)
In complete contrast by both temperament and appearance to
John Wheatley was James Maxton, regarded as something approaching
a saint by the electors of Bridgeton. Jimmy was a spellbinder as an
orator, knowing how to combine sentiment with hard fact, and with
a charm that nullified the most bitter of adversaries. His intellectual
powers were such that he could have reaped the greatest rewards of
politics but for his indolence - a defect about which he was perfectly
frank. Jimmy was just unable to get up in the mornings, but he would
explain away his laziness with such charm, and remedy dilatoriness
with such brilliant common sense, that his most exasperating actions
had to be forgiven. No constituency ever had a representative who
felt its troubles so personally. I have often seen Jimmy Maxton weep
as he read some letter of appeal for help. His subsequent slow and
haphazard effort to remedy the wrong belied the fervid resolve which
he felt. He was a man with great capacity for love, and he always
spoke straight from his heart so that I have watched him sweep a hostile
audience on to his side in a matter of minutes. This oratory, full
of Celtic fire and sound sentiment, served him well on the hustings.
In the calmer, more cynical atmosphere of parliamentary debate it
failed him, although he was always listened to with the greatest respect
by his colleagues.
(4)
John Beckett was a great supporter of
John Wheatley and
was devastated by his death in 1930.
James Maxton and I talked of the necessity for carrying on the work
that Wheatley had left to our hand but in our hearts we knew that
it could not be done. We were the men with whom Wheatley might have
built civilization in Britain, but without him - we could only hope
to fight on, whatever the consequence might be.
On Maxton's
frail shoulders had fallen the sole burden of leadership, and I saw
much of him at that time. I have never associated with a kinder, more
impeccably honesty, loyal and courageous man; but he is without ambition,
has no patience for detail, and a queer philosophy adapted to his
inherent laziness which makes him an impossible leader for any movement.
His politics are socialist, but his habits of thought and temperament
are completely anarchist.
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