William
Lloyd Garrison, the son of a seaman, was born in Newburyport Massachusetts,
in December, 1805. Apprenticed as a printer, he became editor of the
Newburyport Herald in 1824. Four
years later he was appointed editor of the National
Philanthropist in Boston.
In 1828 Garrison met Benjamin Lundy, the
Quaker anti-slavery editor of the Genius
of Universal Emancipation. The following year he became
co-editor of Lundy's newspaper. One article, where Garrison's criticised
a merchant involved in the slave-trade, resulted in him being imprisoned
for libel.
Released in June 1830, Garrison's period in prison made him even more
determined to bring and end to slavery. Whereas he previously shared
Lundy's belief in gradual emancipation, Garrison now advocated "immediate
and complete emancipation of all slaves". After breaking with
Lundy, Garrison returned to Boston where he established his own anti-slavery
newspaper, the Liberator.
The newspaper's motto was: "Our country is the world - our countrymen
are mankind" (an adoption of a comment made by Thomas
Paine).
In the Liberator Garrison
not only attacked slave-holders but the "timidity, injustice
and absurdity" of the gradualists. Garrison famously wrote: "I
am in earnest - I will not equivocate - I will not excuse - I will
not retreat a single inch - and I will be heard." The newspaper
only had a circulation of 3,000 but the strong opinions expressed
in its columns gained Garrison a national reputation as the leader
of those favouring immediate emancipation.
Garrison's views were particularly unpopular in the South and the
state of Georgia offered $5,000 for his arrest and conviction. Garrison
was highly critical of the Church for
its refusal to condemn slavery. Some anti-slavery
campaigners began arguing that Garrison's bitter attacks on the clergy
was frightening off potential supporters.
In 1832 Garrison formed the New England Anti-Slavery Society. The
following year he helped organize the Anti-Slavery
Society. Garrison was influenced by the ideas of Susan
Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton,
Lucretia Mott, Lucy
Stone and other feminists who joined the society. This was reflected
in the content of the Liberator
that now began to advocate women's suffrage,
pacifism and temperance.
Some members of the Anti-Slavery Society
considered the organization to be too radical. They objected to the
attacks on the US Constitution and the prominent role played by women
in the society. In 1839, two brothers, Arthur
Tappan and Lewis Tappan, left and
formed a rival organization, the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery
Society.
Garrison became increasingly radical and in 1854 he created controversy
by publicly burning a copy of the Constitution at a Anti-Slavery rally
at Framingham, Massachusetts. Although he doubted the morality of
the violence used by John Brown at Harper's
Ferry in 1859, his newspaper controversially supported his actions.
On the outbreak of the American Civil War
Garrison abandoned his previously held pacifist
views and supported Abraham Lincoln and
the Union Army. However, during the war, Garrison was critical of
Lincoln for making the preservation of the union rather than the abolition
of slavery his main objective.
After the passing of the 13th Amendment in
1865, Garrison decided to cease publication of the Liberator.
Garrison spent his last fourteen years campaigning for women's
suffrage, pacifism and temperance.
William Lloyd Garrison died on 24th May, 1879.
(1)
William Lloyd Garrison, speech at Charleston, South Carolina (14th
April, 1865)
In 1829 I first hoisted in the city of Baltimore the flag of immediate,
unconditional, uncompensated emancipation; and they threw me into
their prison for preaching such gospel truth. My reward is, that in
1865 Maryland has adopted Garrisonian Abolitionism, and accepted a
constitution endorsing every principle and idea that I have advocated
in behalf of the oppressed slave.
The first time I saw that noble man, Abraham Lincoln, President of
the United States, at Washington, - and of one thing I feel sure,
either he has become a Garrisonian Abolitionist, or I a Lincoln Emancipationist,
for I know that we blend together, like kindred drops, into one, and
his brave heart beats freedom everywhere, - I then said to him: "Mr.
President, it is thirty-four years since I visited Baltimore; and
when I went their recently to see if I could find the old Prison,
and, get into my old cell again, I found that all was gone."
The President answered promptly and wittily, as he is wont to make
his responses: "Well, Mr. Garrison, the difference between 1830
and 1864 appears to be this, that in 1830 you could not get out, and
in 1864 you could not get in." This symbolizes the revolution
which has been brought about in Maryland. For if I had spoken till
I was as hoarse as I am tonight against slaveholders in Baltimore,
there would have been no indictment brought against me, and no prison
opened to receive me.
But a broader, sublimer basis than that, the United States has at
last rendered its verdict. The people, on the eighth of November last,
recorded their purpose that slavery in our country should be forever
abolished; and the Congress of the United States at its last session
adopted, and nearly the requisite states have already voted in favor
of, an amendment to the Constitution of the country, making it forever
unlawful for any many to hold property in man. I thank God in view
of these great changes.
Abolitionism, what is it? Liberty. What is liberty? Abolitionism.
What are they both? Politically, one is the Declaration of Independence;
religiously, the other is the Golden Rule of our Savior. I am here
in Charleston, South Carolina. She is smitten to the dust. She has
been brought down from her pride of place. The chalice was put to
her lips, and she has drunk it to the dregs. I have never been her
enemy, nor the enemy of the South, and in the desire to save her from
this great retribution demanded in the name of the living God that
every fetter should be broken, and the oppressed set free.
I have not come here with reference to any flag but that of freedom.
If your Union does not symbolize universal emancipation, it brings
no Union for me. If your Constitution does not guarantee freedom for
all, it is not a Constitution I can ascribe to. If your flag is stained
by the blood of a brother held in bondage, I repudiate it in the name
of God. I came here to witness the unfurling of a flag under which
every human being is to be recognized as entitled to his freedom.
Therefore, with a clear conscience, without any compromise of principles,
I accepted the invitation of the Government of the United States to
be present and witness the ceremonies that have taken place today.
And now let me give the sentiment which has been, and ever will be,
the governing passion of my soul: "Liberty for each, for all,
and forever!"
(2)
William Lloyd Garrison met Frederick Douglass
soon after his escaped from slavery. In 1841 he recruited him as an
agent for the American Anti-Slavery Society.
A beloved friend from New Bedford prevailed on Frederick Douglass
to address the convention. He came forward to the platform with a
hesitancy and embarrassment, necessarily the attendants of a sensitive
mind in such a novel position. After apologizing for his ignorance,
and reminding the audience that slavery was a poor school for the
human intellect and heart, he proceeded to narrate some of the facts
in his own history as a slave, and in the course of his speech gave
utterance to many noble thoughts and thrilling reflections.
I shall never forget his first speech at the convention - the extraordinary
emotion it excited in my own mind. I think I never hated slavery so
intensely as at that moment; certainly, my perception of the enormous
outrage which is inflicted by it, on the godlike nature of its victims,
was rendered far more clear than ever.
It was at once deeply impressed upon my mind, that, if Frederick Douglass
could be persuaded to consecrate his time and talents to the promotion
of the anti-slavery enterprise, a powerful impetus would be given
to it, and a stunning blow at the same time inflicted on northern
prejudice against a colored complexion.
(3)
Moses Grandy, Life
of a Slave (1843)
When I first went to the Northern States, which is about ten years
ago, although I was free as to the law, I was made to feel severely
the difference between persons of different colours. No black man
was admitted to the same seats in churches with the whites, nor to
the inside of public conveyances, nor into street coaches or cabs:
we had to be content with the decks of steam-boats in all weathers,
night and day, - not even our wives or children being allowed to go
below, however it might rain, or snow, or freeze; in various other
ways, we were treated as though we were of a race of men below the
whites.
But the abolitionists boldly stood up for us, and through them things
are much changed for the better. Now, we may sit in any part of many
places of worship, and are even asked into the pews of respectable
white families; many public conveyances now make no distinction between
white and black. We begin to feel that we are really on the same footing
as our fellow citizens. They see we can and do conduct ourselves with
propriety, and they are now admitting us in many cases to the same
standing with themselves.
At that time, and ever since, we have had a host of American friends,
who have laboured for the cause night and day; they have nobly stood
up for the rights and honour of the coloured man; but they did so
at first in the midst of scorn and danger. Now, thank God, the case
is very different Mr. William Lloyd Garrison, who was hunted for his
life by a mob in the streets of Boston has lately been chairman of
a large meeting in favour of abolition, held in Fanueil Hall, the
celebrated public hall of Boston, called "the Cradle of Liberty."
Last
updated: 2nd May, 2002
Available
from Amazon Books (order below)
