Hiram
Ulysses Grant, the son of a tanner, was born in Point Pleasant, Ohio
on 27th April, 1822. He entered the United States Military Academy
at West Point in 1839. An outstanding
horseman, he was unable to join the cavalry after graduating 21st
in a class of 39. He joined the 4th Infantry Regiment as a second
lieutenant and served as a regimental quartermaster during the Mexican
War (1846-48).
After the war he was stationed on the Pacific Coast. It was during
this period he developed a drink problem. This resulted in his being
forced to resign from the United States Army
in 1854.
Grant worked as a firewood peddler, real estate salesman and as a
farmer near St. Louis, before becoming
a clerk in his family's tannery and leather store in Galenta, Illinois.
An opponent of slavery, on the outbreak
of the Civil War, Grant offered his
services to the Union Army. He was commissioned
as colonel of the 21st Illinois Volunteers. Even before he had engaged
the Confederate forces, Grant was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general
and placed in charge of the District of South-East Missouri.
On 4th September General Leonidas Polk
and a large Confederate Army moved into
Kentucky and began occupying high ground overlooking the Ohio River.
Grant now moved his troops into Kentucky and quickly gained control
of the mouths of the Tennessee and Cumberland rivers as they flowed
into the Ohio. The Union Army now controlled
the main waterway into the heartland of the Confederacy.
In February, 1862 Grant took his army along the Tennessee River with
a flotilla of gunboats and captured Fort Henry. This broke the communications
of the extended Confederate line and Joseph
E. Johnston decided to withdraw his main army to Nashville. He
left 15,000 men to protect Fort Donelson on the Cumberland River but
this was enough and Grant had no difficulty taking this prize as well.
With western Tennessee now secured, Abraham
Lincoln was now able to set up a Union government in Nashville
by appointing Andrew Johnson as its
new governor.
The Confederate Army now regrouped and Albert
S. Johnston and Pierre T. Beauregard
reunited their armies near the Tennessee-Mississippi line. With 55,000
men they now outnumbered the forces led by Ulysses
S. Grant. On 6th April the Confederate
Army attacked Grant's army at Shiloh.
Taken by surprise, Grant's army suffered heavy losses until the arrival
of General Don Carlos Buell and reinforcements.
Rumours reached President Abraham Lincoln
that Grant was responsible for the Union Army's high casualty rate.
Grant was defended by his commanding officer, General Henry
Halleck. In early 1863, Halleck convinced Lincoln that Grant was
the right man to direct the Vicksburg
Campaign.
Edwin M. Stanton, the Secretary of War,
heard that Grant was drinking heavily and sent newspaperman, Charles
Dana, to spy on him. However, Dana found the rumours were untrue
and Grant remained in control of the campaign.
General John Pemberton was placed
in charge of defending the fortifications around Vicksburg.
After two failed assaults, Grant decided to starve Pemberton out.
This strategy proved successful and on 4th July, 1863, Pemberton surrendered
the city. The western Confederacy was now completely isolated from
the eastern Confederacy and the Union Army
had total control of the Mississippi River.
President Abraham Lincoln described Grant's
campaign as "one of the most brilliant in the world." He
wrote to Grant that he had disagreed with Grant's tactics but added:
"I now wish to make the personal acknowledgment that you were
right, and I was wrong." Grant was promoted to the rank of major
general. In October, Lincoln put Grant in control of all armies from
the Alleghenies to the Mississippi.
Lincoln rejected Grant's plan to invade Alabama and Georgia. He also
complained about Grant's willingness to keep the president informed
of his actions. Lincoln commented that "General Grant is a copious
worker, and fighter, but a very meagre writer, or telegrapher."
Despite his doubts about Grant, in March, 1864, he was named lieutenant
general and the commander of the Union Army.
Grant joined the Army of the Potomac where he worked closely with
George Meade and Philip
Sheridan. They crossed the Rapidan and entered the Wilderness.
When Lee heard the news he sent in his troops, hoping that the Union's
superior artillery and cavalry would be offset by the heavy underbrush
of the Wilderness. Fighting began on the 5th May and two days later
smoldering paper cartridges set fire to dry leaves and around 200
wounded men were either suffocated or burned to death. Of the 88,892
men that Grant took into the Wilderness, 14,283 were casualties and
3,383 were reported missing. Robert E. Lee
lost 7,750 men during the fighting.
After the battle Grant moved south and on May 26th sent Philip
Sheridan and his cavalry ahead to capture Cold Harbor from the
Confederate Army. Lee was forced to abandon
Cold Harbor and his whole army well dug in by the time the rest of
the Union Army arrived. Grant's ordered
a direct assault but afterwards admitted this was a mistake losing
12,000 men "without benefit to compensate".
Grant now headed quickly towards Richmond
and was able to take Petersburg
before Robert E. Lee had time to react.
However, Pierre T. Beauregard was
able to protect the route to the city before the arrival of Lee's
main army forced Ulysses S. Grant to prepare
for a siege.
Grant gave William Sherman the task
of destroying the Confederate Army in
Tennessee. Joseph E. Johnson and his
army retreated and after some brief skirmishes the two sides fought
at Resaca (14th May), Adairsvile (17th May), New Hope Church (25th
May), Kennesaw Mountain (27th June) and Marietta (2nd July). President
Jefferson Davis was unhappy about Johnson's
withdrawal policy and on 17th July replaced him with the more aggressive
John Hood. He immediately went on the
attack and hit George H. Thomas and
his men at Peachtree Creek. Hood was badly beaten and lost 2,500 men.
Two days later he took on William Sherman
at the Battle of Atlanta and lost another
8,000 men.
Grant continued to have disagreements with President Abraham
Lincoln and Secretary of War, Edwin
M. Stanton. Grant defended generals such as Benjamin
Butler, Nathaniel Banks and Henry
Thomas, who Lincoln wanted to remove from power. Grant and Lincoln
also disagreed about the strategy employed in the Shenandoah
Valley.
In the summer of 1864 General Robert E. Lee
sent Major General Jubal Early up the
Shenandoah Valley to threaten Washington.
President Abraham Lincoln demanded that
Grant personally took command of the army defending the capital. In
his memoirs Grant made it clear that he disagreed with this policy:
"The Shenandoah Valley was very important to the Confederates,
because it was the principal storehouse they now had for feeding their
armies about Richmond. It was well known that they would make a desperate
struggle to maintain it. It had been the source of a great deal of
trouble to us heretofore to guard that outlet to the north, partly
because of the incompetency of some of the commanders, but chiefly
because of the interference from Washington. It seemed to be the policy
of General Halleck and Secretary Stanton to keep any force sent there,
in pursuit of the invading army, moving right and left so as to keep
between the enemy and our capital".
In August 1864, Grant sent Philip Sheridan
and 40,000 soldiers into the Shenandoah
Valley. Sheridan soon encountered troops led by Jubal
Early and after a series of minor defeats Sheridan eventually
gained the upper hand. His men now burnt and destroyed anything of
value in the area and after defeating Early in another large-scale
battle on 19th October, the Union Army,
for the first time, held the valley. William
Sherman removed all resistance in the valley when he marched to
Southern Carolina in early 1865.
In August 1864 the Union Army made another
attempt to take control of the Shenandoah Valley. Philip
Sheridan and 40,000 soldiers entered the valley and soon encountered
troops led by Jubal Early who had just
returned from Washington. After a
series of minor defeats Sheridan eventually gained the upper hand.
His men now burnt and destroyed anything of value in the area and
after defeating Early in another large-scale battle on 19th October,
the Union Army, for the first time, held
the Shenandoah Valley.
On 1st April, 1865, Grant sent Philip
Sheridan to Five Forks. The Confederates, led by Major General
George Pickett, were overwhelmed and
lost 5,200 men. On hearing the news, Robert
E. Lee decided to abandon Richmond.
President Jefferson Davis, his family
and government officials, was forced to flee from Richmond. The Union
Army took control of Richmond and
on 4th April Abraham Lincoln entered
the city.
Robert E. Lee was only able to muster an
army of 8,000 men. He probed the Union Army at Appomattox but faced
by 110,000 men he decided the cause was hopeless. He contacted Grant
and after agreeing terms on 9th April, surrendered his army at Appomattox
Court House. Grant issued a brief statement: "The war is over;
the rebels are our countrymen again and the best sign of rejoicing
after the victory will be to abstain from all demonstrations in the
field."
Grant attended the Cabinet meeting on 14th April, 1865. However, he
declined the offer of accompanying Abraham
Lincoln to the Ford Theatre that night as he wanted to see his
sons in New Jersey. This decision probably saved his life as John
Wilkes Booth and his fellow conspirators were planning to kill
Grant as well as Lincoln.
In August 1867, President Andrew Johnson
sacked Edwin M. Stanton and appointed
Grant as his Secretary of War. When Congress insisted upon Stanton's
reinstatement, Grant resigned. Johnson was furious as he believed
Grant would stay in office despite the expected objections of Congress.
In 1868 the Republican Party nominated
Grant for president. His running mate was Schuyler
Colfax, a man associated with the Radical
Republican. Grant and Colfax won 26 states out of 34. Three states,
Virginia, Mississippi and Texas, had no vote as they had not been
yet admitted to the Union. However, Grant only won 52.7 per cent of
the popular vote and only narrowly beat his Democratic
opponent, Horatio Seymour.
At 46, Grant was the youngest man to be elected president. His first
administration included Elihu Washburne
(secretary of State), George Boutwell
(Secretary of the Treasury), William T.
Sherman (Secretary of War), John Creswell
(Postmaster General) and Ebenezer Hoar
(Attorney General). Later additions included Hamilton
Fish (Secretary of State), George
H. Williams (Attorney General), William
Belknap (Secretary of War) and Zachariah
Chandler (Secretary of the Interior).
Politically
inexperienced, he had problems dealing with Congress. However, he
was popular with the people of America and in 1872 easily defeated
his opponent, Horace Greeley. Grant's
second term was plagued by corruption and scandal. He announced
that he intended to "Let no man escape" but he was criticized
for the way he dealt with the situation when Orville
Babcock, his private secretary, and William
Belknap, his Secretary of War, were accused of corruption. Although
loyally defended by his friend, Thomas Nast,
the political cartoonist, the "maker of presidents", these
events severely damaged his reputation. When Grant's period of office
came to an end in 1877, he announced to the American people, "Failures
have been errors of judgment, not of intent."
In 1881 Grant and his son became involved in the investment firm
of Grant & Ward. Grant encouraged others to invest in this company
and his reputation was again damaged when the firm collapsed and
it was discovered that his partner, Ferdinand Ward, was guilty of
corruption. With the support of his friend, Mark
Twain, Grant began work on his memoirs. Suffering from throat
cancer, Grant completed his autobiography, The Personal Memoirs
of U.S. Grant, shortly before his death on 23rd July, 1885.
Thomas
Nast accused the Democrats
of making
Grant a scapegoat (Harper's
Weekly, May, 1876)
(1)
Ulysses Grant, Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant (1885)
Up to the Mexican War there were a few out and out abolitionists,
men who carried their hostility to slavery into all elections. They
were noisy but not numerous. But the great majority of people of
the North, where slavery did not exist, were opposed to the institution,
and looked upon its existence in any part of the country as unfortunate.
They did not hold the States where slavery existed responsible for
it; and believed that protection should be given to the right of
property in slaves some satisfactory way could be reached to be
rid of the institution.
There were two political parties, it is true in all the States,
both strong in numbers and respectability, but both equally loyal
to the institution which stood paramount in Southern eyes to all
other institutions in state or nation. The slave-owners were the
minority, but governed both parties.
(2)
General Henry Halleck, letter
to Benjamin F. Butler
about the behaviour of Ulysses S. Grant (4th
March, 1862)
A rumour has just reached me that since the taking of Fort Donelson
Grant has resumed his former bad habits. If so, it will account
for his repeated neglect of my often-repeated orders. I do not deem
it advisable to arrest him at present, but have placed General Smith
in command of the expedition up the Tennessee. I think Smith will
restore order and discipline.
(3)
General Henry Halleck, letter
to Ulysses Grant (6th March, 1862)
General McClellan directs that you report to me daily the number
and position of the forces under your command has created great
dissatisfaction and seriously interfered with military plans. Your
going to Nashville without authority, and when your presence with
your troops was of the greatest importance, was a matter of serious
complaint at Washington, so much so that I was advised to arrest
you on your return.
(4)
Ulysses Grant, Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant (1885)
Some two or three miles from Pittsburg landing was a log meeting
house called Shiloh. It stood on the ridge which divides the waters
of Snake and Lick creeks, the former emptying into the Tennessee
just north of Pittsburg landing, and the later south. This point
was the key to our position and was held by Sherman. His division
was at that time wholly raw, no part of it ever having been in an
engagement; but I thought this deficiency was more than made up
by the superiority of the commander.
The nature of this battle was such that cavalry could not be used
in front; I therefore formed ours into line in rear, to stop stragglers
- to whom there were many. When there would be enough of them to
make a show, and after they had recovered from their fright, they
would be sent to reinforce some part of the line which needed support,
without regard to their companies, regiments or brigades.
General Albert Sidney Johnson, who commanded the Confederate forces
at the beginning of the battle, was disabled by a wound on the afternoon
of the first day. This wound, as I understood afterwards, was not
necessarily fatal, or even dangerous. But he was a man who would
not abandon what he deemed an important trust in the face of danger
and consequently continued in the saddle, commanding, until so exhausted
by the loss of blood that he had to be taken from his horse, and
soon after died.
General Beauregard was next in rank to Johnson and succeeded to
the command, which he retained to the close of the battle and during
the subsequent retreat on Corinth, as well as in the siege of that
place. His tactics have been severely criticized by Confederate
writers, but I do not believe his fallen chief could have done any
better under the circumstances. Some of these critics claim that
Shiloh was won when Johnson fell, and that if he had not fallen
the army under me would have been annihilated or captured. Our loss
in the two days' fight was 1,754 killed, 8,408 wounded and 2,885
missing. Of these, 2,103 were in the Army of the Ohio. Beauregard
reported a total loss of 10,699, of whom 1,728 were killed, 8,012
wounded and 957 missing. This estimate must be incorrect. We buried,
by actual count, more of the enemy's dead alone than is here reported,
and 4,000 was the estimate of the burial parties for the whole field.
(5)
Ulysses Grant, Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant (1885)
Vicksburg was important to the enemy because it occupied the first
high ground coming close to the river before Memphis. From there
a railroad runs east, connecting with other roads leading to all
points of the Southern States. A railroad also starts from the opposite
side of the river, extending west as far as Shreveport, Louisiana.
Vicksburg was the only channel, at the time the only channel connecting
the parts of the confederacy divided by the Mississippi. So long
as it was held by the enemy, the free navigation of the river was
prevented. Hence its importance. Points of the river between Vicksburg
and Port Hudson were held as dependencies; but their fall was sure
to follow the capture of the former place.
(6)
In his memoirs Ulysses Grant described the capture
of Vicksburg in July, 1863.
On 3rd July, about ten o'clock a.m. white flags appeared on a portion
of the rebel works. It was a glorious sight to officers and soldiers
on the line where these white flags were visible, and the news spread
to all parts of the command. The troops felt that their long and
weary marches, hard fighting, ceaseless watching by night and day,
in a hot climate, exposure to all sorts of weather, to diseases
and, worst of all, to the gibes of many Northern papers that came
to them saying all their suffering was in vain, that Vicksburg would
never be taken, were at last at an end and the Union sure to be
saved.
This news, with the victory at Gettysburg won the same day, lifted
a great load of anxiety from the minds of the President, his Cabinet
and the loyal people all over the North. The fate of the Confederacy
was sealed when Vicksburg fell. Much hard fighting was to be done
afterwards and many precious lives were to be sacrificed; but the
morale was with the supporters of the Union ever after.
(7)
In his memoirs Ulysses Grant was highly critical of General Henry
Halleck, his Commander-in-Chief in 1863.
Having cleaned up about Vicksburg I suggested to the General-in-Chief
the idea of a campaign against Mobile. Halleck disapproved of my
proposition so that I was obliged to settle down and see myself
put again on the defensive. It would have been an easy thing to
capture Mobile at the time I proposed to go there. The troops from
Mobile could have inflicted inestimable damage upon much of the
country from which Bragg's army and Lee's were yet receiving their
supplies. I was so much impressed with this idea that I renewed
my request later in July and again about the 1st August. Both requests
were refused.
After the capture of Corinth a movable force of eighty thousand
men, besides enough to hold all the territory required, could have
been set in motion for the accomplishment of any great campaign
for the suppression of the rebellion. If Buell had been sent directly
to Chattanooga as rapidly as he could march, leaving two or three
divisions along the line of the railroad from Nashville forward,
he could have arrived with but little fighting, and would have saved
much of the loss of life which was afterwards incurred in gaining
Chattanooga. Bragg would then not have had time to raise an army
to contest the possession of Tennessee and Kentucky; the battles
of Stone River and Chickamauga would not necessarily have been fought.
These are the negative advantages, if the term negative is applicable,
which would probably have resulted from prompt movements after Corinth
fell into the possessions of the National forces. the positive results
might have been: a bloodless advance to Atlanta, to Vicksburg, or
to any other desired point south of Corinth in the interior of Mississippi.
(8)
In his memoirs Ulysses Grant
described his disagreements with the government over the Shenandoah
Valley.
The Shenandoah Valley was very important to the Confederates,
because it was the principal storehouse they now had for feeding
their armies about Richmond. It was well known that they would make
a desperate struggle to maintain it. It had been the source of a
great deal of trouble to us heretofore to guard that outlet to the
north, partly because of the incompetency of some of the commanders,
but chiefly because of the interference from Washington. It seemed
to be the policy of General Halleck and Secretary Stanton to keep
any force sent there, in pursuit of the invading army, moving right
and left so as to keep between the enemy and our capital; and, generally
speaking, they pursued this policy until all knowledge of the whereabouts
of the enemy was lost. They were left, therefore, free to supply
themselves with horses, beef cattle, and such provisions as they
could carry away from Western Maryland and Pennsylvania. I was determined
to put a stop to this.
I had previously asked to have Sheridan assigned to that command
but Mr. Stanton objected, on the ground that he was too young for
such an important a command. On 1st August, 1864, I sent the following
orders to Major-General Halleck: "I am sending General Sheridan
for temporary duty whilst the enemy is being expelled from the border.
Unless General Hunter is in the field in person, I want Sheridan
put in command of all the troops in the field with instructions
to put himself south of the enemy and follow him to death. Wherever
the enemy goes let our troops go also."
(9)
Benjamin F. Butler
met Ulysses S. Grant for the first time
in April, 1864.
Lieutenant-General Grant visited Fortress Monroe on the 1st April.
To him the state of the negotiations as to exchange of prisoners
was communicated, and most emphatic verbal directions were received
from the lieutenant-general not to take any steps by which another
able-bodied man should be exchanged until further orders from him.
He then explained to me his views upon these matters. He said that
I would agree with him that by the exchange of prisoners we get
no men fit to go into our army, and every soldier we gave the Confederates
went immediately into theirs, so that the exchange was virtually
so much aid to them and none to us. For we gave them well men who
went directly into their ranks and we had but few others, as the
returns showed. Yet we received none from them substantially but
disabled men, and by our laws and regulations they were to be allowed
to go home and recuperate, which few of them did, and fewer still
came back to our armies.
Now, the coming campaign was to be decided by the strength of the
opposing forces, for the contest would all centre upon the Army
of the Potomac and its immediate adjuncts. His proposition was to
make an aggressive fight upon Lee, trusting to the superiority of
numbers and to the practical impossibility of Lee getting any considerable
reinforcements to keep up his army. We had twenty-six thousand Confederate
prisoners, and if they were exchanged it would give the Confederates
a corps, larger than any in Lee's army, of disciplined veterans
better able to stand the hardships of a campaign and more capable
than any other. To continue exchanging upon parole the prisoners
captured on one side and the other, especially if we captured more
prisoners than they did, would at least add from thirty to perhaps
fifty per cent to Lee's capability for resistance.
(10)
Carl Schurz wrote about the relative
merits of Ulysses S. Grant, William Sherman
and Robert E. Lee in his autobiography
published in 1906.
In the opinion of many competent persons, he was the ablest
commander of them all. I remember a remarkable utterance of his
when we were speaking of Grant's campaign. "There was a difference,"
Sherman said, "between Grant's and my way of looking at things.
Grant never cared a damn about what was going on behind the enemy's
lines, but it often scared me like the devil." He admitted,
and justly so, that some of Grant's successes were owing to this
very fact, but also some of his most conspicuous failures. Grant
believed in hammering - Sherman in maneuvering. It had been the
habit of the generals commanding the Army of the Potomac to cross
the Rappahannock, to get their drubbing from Lee, and then promptly
to retreat and recross the Rappahannock again in retreat. He sturdily
went on, hammering and hammering, and, with his vastly superior
resources, finally hammered Lee's army to pieces, but with a most
dreadful sacrifice of life on his own part. Now, comparing Grant's
campaign for the taking of Richmond with Sherman's campaign for
the taking of Atlanta - without losing sight of any of the differences
of their respective situations - we may well arrive at the conclusion
that Sherman was the superior strategist and the greater general.
(10)
In 1867 John
Singleton Mosby, was interviewed in the Philadelphia Post
about the merits of the different generals in the Union
Army during the American Civil War.
Whom do you consider the ablest General
on the Federal side?" "McClellan, by all odds. I think
he is the only man on the Federal side who could have organized
the army as it was. Grant had, of course, more successes in the
field in the latter part of the war, but Grant only came in to reap
the benefits of McClellan's previous efforts. At the same time,
I do not wish to disparage General Grant, for he has many abilities,
but if Grant had commanded during the first years of the war, we
would have gained our independence. Grant's policy of attacking
would have been a blessing to us, for we lost more by inaction than
we would have lost in battle. After the first Manassas the army
took a sort of 'dry rot', and we lost more men by camp diseases
than we would have by fighting."
(11)
Brigadier General Horace
Porter recorded General Robert Lee's surrender to General Ulysses
S. Grant on 9th April, 1865.
The contrast between the two commanders was striking and could not
fail to attract marked attention as they sat ten feet apart facing
each other. General Grant, then nearly forty-three years of age,
was five feet eight inches in height, with shoulders slightly stooped.
His hair and full beard were a nutbrown, without a trace of gray
in them. He had on a single-breasted blouse, made of dark-blue flannel,
unbuttoned in front, and showing a waistcoat underneath. He had
no sword, and a pair of shoulder straps was all there was about
him to designate his rank. In fact, aside from these, his uniform
was that of a private soldier.
Lee, on the other hand, was fully six feet in height and quite erect
for one of his age, for he was Grant's senior by sixteen years.
His hair and full beard were a silver-gray, and quite thick, except
that the hair had become a little thin in front. He wore a new uniform
of Confederate gray, buttoned up to the throat, and at his side
he carried a long sword of exceedingly fine workmanship, the hilt
studdied with jewels.
(12)
Edwin Stanton, comments made to Charles
Sumner (1869)
I know General Grant better than any other person in the country
can know him. It was my duty to study him, and I did so day and
night, when I saw him and when I did not see him, and now I tell
you what I know, he cannot govern this country.
(13)
John
Singleton Mosby, Memoirs of Colonel John S. Mosby (1887)
I first met General Grant in May, 1872,
after Mr. Greeley had been nominated for the presidency by a convention
whose members called themselves Liberal Republicans - although,
as a matter of fact, many of them had been the most radical element
of the party, but had seceded on account of personal grievances.
In common with most Southern soldiers, I had a very kindly feeling
towards General Grant, not only on account of his magnanimous conduct
at Appomattox, but also for his treatment of me at the close of
hostilities. I had never called on him, however. If I had done so,
and if he had received me even politely, we should both have been
subjected to severe criticism, so bitter was the feeling between
the sections at the time.
No doubt, in those days, most Northerners believed the imaginative
stories of the war correspondents and supposed that my battalion
fought under the black flag. General Grant was as much misunderstood
in the South as I was in the North. But time has healed wounds which
were once thought to be irremediable; and there is to-day no memory
of our war so bitter, probably, as the Scottish recollection of
Culloden. Like most Southern men, I had disapproved the reconstruction
measures and was sore and very restive under military government;
but since my prejudices have faded, I can now see that many things
which we regarded as being prompted by hostile and vindictive motives
were actually necessary, in order to prevent anarchy and to secure
the freedom of the newly emancipated slave.
I had given little attention to politics and had devoted my time
to my profession, although I was under no political disability.
As we had all been opposed to the Republican party before the war,
it was a point of honor to keep on voting that way.
When Horace Greeley was nominated, I saw - or thought I saw - that
it was idle to divide longer upon issues which we acknowledged to
have been legally, if not properly, settled; and that if the Southern
people wanted reconciliation, as they said they did, the logical
thing to do was to vote for Grant. I have not changed my opinion,
nor yet have I any criticism to make of those who differed with
me. We were all working for the same end. Some said they couldn't
sacrifice their principles for Grant's friendship; I didn't sacrifice
mine.
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