On
1st January 1942, President Franklin
D. Roosevelt,
supported by the representatives of 26 countries, published the Declaration
by United Nations, a document that pledged their governments to continue
fighting together against Nazi Germany
and Japan during the Second
World War.
This
declaration was followed by a conference of Foreign Ministers in Moscow,
in October, 1943 where discussions took place concerning a replacement
for the discredited League of Nations.
Further
talks took place at San Francisco
between 15th April and 26th June, 1945. Delegates from fifty nations
that had been at war with Germany, decided on the design and structure
of this new organization. The conference drafted the United Nations
Charter and it was signed on 26th June and ratified at the first session
of the General Assembly of the United Nations in London
on 24th October 1945.
The main differences between the League of
Nations and the United Nations were the stronger executive powers
assumed by the Security Council and the requirement that member states
should make available armed forces to serve as peace-keepers or to
repel an aggressor.
The Security Council had five permanent members, United
States, the Soviet Union, China,
France and Britain.
Six other countries served two-year periods on the Council (this was
increased to ten in 1965). Controversially, permanent members were
given the power to veto decisions made by the Security Council. The
other nations vigorously opposed the idea of the veto but it became
clear that without such a favoured position the five major nations
would not join the United Nations. The United States Senate ratified
the United Nations treaty by a vote of 89 to 2 on 28th July, 1945.
(1)
Anthony Eden, telegram to Winston
Churchill (March, 1943)
The first point raised
by the President was the structure of the United Nations organization
after the war. The general idea is that there should be three organizations.
The first would be a general assembly at which all the United Nations
would be represented. This assembly would only meet about once a year
and its purpose would be to enable representatives of all the smaller
powers to blow off steam. At the other end of the scale would be an
executive committee composed of representatives of the Four Powers.
This body would take all the more important decisions and wield police
powers of the United Nations. In between these two bodies would be
an advisory council composed of representatives of the Four Powers
and of, say, six or eight other representatives elected on a regional
basis, roughly on the basis of population. There might thus be one
representative from Scandinavia and Finland and one or two from groups
of Latin American states. This council would meet from time to time
as might be required to settle any international questions that might
be brought before it.
The President said it
was essential to include China among the Four Powers and to organize
all these United Nations organs on a worldwide and not on a regional
basis. He made it clear that the only appeal which would be likely
to carry weight with the United States public, if they were to undertake
international responsibilities, would be one based upon a worldwide
conception. They would be very suspicious of any organization that
was only regional. We have strong impression that it is through their
feeling for China
that the President is seeking to lead his people to accept international
responsibilities.
(2)
Anthony
Eden,
memorandum to Duff Cooper (25th July, 1944)
There is no doubt that,
rightly or wrongly, the American Administration is suspicious of proposals
which tend, in their opinion, to divide up the world into a series
of blocs. Not only do they fear that such blocs would become mutually
hostile, but they also believe that their formation would tend to
reinforce those isolationist elements in the United States who are
above all anxious that their country should undertake no commitments
in Europe, but rather concentrate on preserving its power and influence
in South America, and possibly in the Far East as well.
Only by encouraging the
formation of some World Organization are we likely to induce the Americans,
and this means the American Senate, to agree
to accept any European commitments designed to range America, in case
of need, against a hostile Germany or against any European breaker
of the peace.
(3)
Conversation
between Winston
Churchill and Joseph
Stalin at Yalta
about the possibility of establishing the United Nations.
Winston Churchill: "The
peace of the world depends upon the lasting friendship of the three
great powers, but His Majesty's Government feel we should be putting
ourselves in a false position if we put ourselves in the position
of trying to rule the world when our desire is to serve the world
and preserve it from a renewal of the frightful horrors which have
fallen upon the mass of its inhabitants. We should make a broad submission
to the opinion of the world within the limits stated. We should have
the right to state our case against any case stated by the Chinese,
for instance, in the case of Hong Kong. There
is no question that we could not be required to give back Hong Kong
to the Chinese if we did not feel that was the right thing to do.
On the other hand, I feel it would be wrong if China did not have
an opportunity to state its case fully. In the same way, if Egypt
raises a question against the British affecting the Suez Canal, as
has been suggested, I would submit to all the procedure outlined in
this statement. Colleagues on the Security Council."
Joseph Stalin:
"I would like to have this document to study because it is difficult
on hearing it read to come to any conclusion. I think that the Dumbarton
Oaks decisions have, as an objective, not only to secure to every
nation the right to express its opinion, but if any nation should
raise a question about some important matter, it raises the question
in order to get a decision in the matter. I am sure none of those
present would dispute the right of every member of the Assembly to
express his opinion. "Mr. Churchill thinks that China, if it
raised the question of Hong Kong, would be content only with expressing
opinion here. He may be mistaken. China will demand a decision in
the matter and so would Egypt. Egypt will not have much pleasure in
expressing an opinion that the Suez Canal should be returned to Egypt,
but would demand a decision on the matter. Therefore, the matter is
much more serious than merely expressing an opinion. Also, I would
like to ask Mr. Churchill to name the power which may intend to dominate
the world. I am sure Great Britain does not want to dominate the world.
So one is removed from suspicion. I am sure the United States does
not wish to do so, so another is excluded from the powers having intentions
to dominate the world."
Winston Churchill: "May
I answer?"
Joseph Stalin: "In
a minute. When will the great powers accept the provisions that would
absolve them from the charge that they intend to dominate the world
? I will study the document. At this
time it is not very clear to me. I think it is a more serious question
than the right of a power to express its intentions or the desire
of some power to dominate the world."
Winston Churchill: "I
know that under the leaders of the three powers as represented here
we may feel safe. But these leaders may not live forever. In ten years'
time we may disappear. A new generation will come which did not experience
the horrors of war and may probably forget what we have gone through.
We would like to secure the peace for at least fifty years. We have
now to build up such a status, such a plan, that we can put as many
obstacles as possible to the coming generation quarreling among themselves."
(4)
Anthony
Eden wrote about Yalta in his autobiography,
Memoirs: The Reckoning (1965)
Roosevelt was, above all
else, a consummate politician. Few men could see more clearly their
immediate objective, or show greater artistry in obtaining it. As
a price of these gifts, his long-range vision was not quite so sure.
The President shared a widespread American suspicion of the British
Empire as it had once been and, despite his knowledge of world affairs,
he was always anxious to make it plain to Stalin that the United States
was not 'ganging up' with Britain against Russia. The outcome of this
was some confusion in Anglo-American relations which profited the
Soviets.
Roosevelt did not confine
his dislike of colonialism to the British Empire alone, for it was
a principle with him, not the less cherished for its possible advantages.
He hoped that former colonial territories, once free of their masters,
would become politically and economically dependent upon the United
States, and had no fear that other powers might
fill that role.
Winston Churchill's strength
lay in his vigorous sense of purpose and his courage, which carried
him undismayed over obstacles daunting to lesser men. He was also
generous and impulsive, but this could be a handicap at the conference
table. Churchill liked to talk, he did not like to listen, and he
found it difficult to wait for, and seldom let pass, his turn to speak.
The spoils in the diplomatic game do not necessarily go to the man
most eager to debate.
Marshal Stalin as a negotiator
was the toughest proposition of all. Indeed, after something like
thirty years' experience of international conferences of one kind
and another, if I had to pick a team for going into a conference room,
Stalin would be my first choice. Of course the man was ruthless and
of course he knew his purpose. He never wasted a word. He never stormed,
he was seldom even irritated. Hooded, calm, never raising his voice,
he avoided the repeated negatives of Molotov which were so exasperating
to listen to. By more subtle methods he got what he wanted without
having seemed so obdurate.
There was a confidence,
even an intimacy, between Stalin and Molotov such as I have never
seen between any other two Soviet leaders, as if Stalin knew that
he had a valuable henchman and Molotov was confident because he was
so regarded. Stalin might tease Molotov occasionally, but he was careful
to uphold his authority. Only once did I hear Stalin speak disparagingly
of his judgment and that was not before witnesses.
(5)
Joseph Goebbels, diary entry (3rd April,
1945)
As far as the political
crisis of the war is concerned dissatisfaction with the Kremlin's
policy is increasing among the American public. The San Francisco
Conference is already written off almost everywhere. It is hoped to
substitute a new Three-Power meeting for it. No one knows, however,
whether Stalin will agree to this. Stalin is treating Roosevelt and
Churchill like dunces and it is only to be hoped that this sort of
provocation will gradually make the pot boil over in the Western enemy
camp.
As far as the San Francisco
Conference is concerned, it is already a thing of the past. It is
thought that Churchill intends to fly to Moscow again to try to persuade
Stalin to give way. The progress of the political crisis among our
enemies depends on the next fortnight's developments. The main and
deciding factor is whether we succeed in organising some form of resistance
in the West again.
The Jews have applied
for a seat at the San Francisco Conference. It
is characteristic that their main demand is that anti-semitism be
forbidden throughout the world. Typically, having committed the most
terrible crimes against mankind, the Jews would now like mankind
to be forbidden even to think about them.
(6)
Joseph Goebbels, diary entry (4th April,
1945)
Smuts has made an extraordinarily
gloomy speech at the Imperial Conference now sitting in London. He
regards San Francisco as the last chance for civilised mankind. If
San Francisco fails, then what we regard as cultured mankind would
be doomed. A human catastrophe of unimaginable proportions would be
the inevitable result. A third world war would be waged with new and
even more devastating weapons. What remained of mankind would be neither
worthy nor capable of existence.
(7)
James
F. Byrnes, US Secretary of State, wrote about the formation
of the United Nations in his autobiography Speaking Frankly
(1947)
This generation
of Americans has learned that the United States is a principal trustee
of the world's peace and freedom. What the United States says and
does affects the lives of people in the most remote areas of this
earth. The words and deeds of a member of the Cabinet or of the Congress
often reaches into more homes than those of many Kings and Presidents.
Even Generalissimo Stalin, in his last talks with Harry Hopkins, acknowledged
the world-wide interests and responsibilities of the United States
and declared that our country has more reason to be a world power
than any other.
Leadership and its inherent
responsibilities we have accepted with reluctance-reluctance that
two costly wars have not wholly overcome. But without our initiative,
the United Nations probably would not have been created to promote
and maintain international peace and security. Without our determined
effort, it is doubtful whether ravages of war can be removed quickly
enough to give the United Nations a chance to work.
The responsibilities that
clearly are ours will be discharged in the years ahead only if we
develop in international affairs a policy that truly reflects the
will of our people. I am convinced that to build a people's foreign
policy we must pursue three primary objectives.
(8) Adlai
Stevenson, speech, Springfield
(24th October, 1952)
But I do not believe it is man's destiny to compress this once boundless
earth into a small neighborhood, the better to destroy it. Nor do
I believe it is in the nature of man to strike eternally at the image
of himself, and therefore of God. I profoundly believe that there
is on this horizon, as yet only dimly perceived, a new dawn of conscience.
In that purer light, people will come to see themselves in each other,
which is to say they will make themselves
known to one another by their similarities rather than by their
differences. Man's knowledge of things will begin to be matched
by man's knowledge of self. The significance of a smaller world
will be measured not in terms of military advantage, but in terms
of advantage for the human community. It will be the triumph
of the heartbeat over the drumbeat.
These are my beliefs and
I hold them deeply, but they would be
without any inner meaning for me unless I felt that they were also
the deep beliefs of human beings everywhere. And the proof of
this, to my mind, is the very existence of the United Nations. However
great the assaults on the peace may have been since the United
Nations was founded, the easiest way to demonstrate the idea
behind it is by the fact that no nation in the world today would
dare to remove itself from membership and separate his country
from the human hopes that are woven into the very texture
of the organization.
The early years of the
United Nations have been difficult ones, but
what did we expect? That peace would drift down from the skies
like soft snow? That there would be no ordeal, no anguish, no
testing, in this greatest of all human undertakings?
Any great institution
or idea must suffer its pains of birth and growth. We will not lose
faith in the United Nations. We see it as a living thing and we will
work and pray for its full growth and development. We want it to become
what it was intended to be - a world
society of nations under law, not merely law backed by force, but
law backed by justice and popular consent. We believe the answer
to world war can only be world law. This is our hope and our
commitment, and that is why I join all Americans on this anniversary
in saying: "More power to the United Nations."
(9)
Konni
Zilliacus, speech in the House
of Commons (8th March, 1966)
This whole defence debate and the Defence White Paper are shot through
with nostalgic illusions and nuclear and world military power hankerings
and posturings ... The most depressing thing about the debate is the
assumptions on both sides that we can go on indefinitely for years
and years with the greatest, costliest and deadliest arms race in
history. It will not work out like that and we must put our energy,
will, purpose and policies into transferring the mutual relations
of the great powers from the balance of power, as expressed in the
rival military alliances, to their obligations, purposes and principles
of the UN Charter ... We are no longer a first-class military power.
But we could be a first-class political power and a first-class force
for peace.
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